Hoekom Jy Vir die DA Moet Stem

Vanuit SA Vandag 17 April 2009

Gaan stem op Woensdag 22 April!

Elke enkele geregistreerde kieser wat die DA steun, moet op Woensdag in die verkiesing gaan stem. Elke stem is kritiek: dit kan die stem wees wat die skaal swaai. Die wiskunde is eenvoudig: hoe meer DA-kiesers in verhouding tot ANC-kiesers gaan stem, hoe beter is die kans dat ons sal sorg dat Jacob Zuma nie die meerderheid van twee derdes kry wat hy nodig het om die Grondwet te wysig nie.

Die opkoms van kiesers maak 'n geweldige verskil aan die verkiesingsuitslag in ons stelsel van proporsionele verteenwoordiging. Een politieke ontleder gebruik die analogie van 'n verjaardagpartytjie om die gevolge van opkomssyfers te verduidelik. Op jou verjaardag koop jy 'n koek en nooi tien mense na jou partytjie. As almal kom, kry elkeen een tiende van die koek. As net vyf kom, kry elkeen een vyfde. Dit beteken elkeen van die vyf vriende wat vir die partytjie opgedaag het, kry 'n stuk koek wat dubbel so groot is as wat hulle sou gekry het, net omdat die ander vyf weggebly het. Net so maak al die kiesers wat in 'n verkiesing stem, 100% van die verteenwoordigende getal uit, wat dan in verhouding onder die partye verdeel word. As meer DA-kiesers as ANC-kiesers wegbly, beteken dit dat die ANC-stem in verhouding groter word, en omgekeer.

In vorige verkiesings het die opkomsverhouding die ANC bevoordeel. Dit beteken dat meer ANC-kiesers as opposisiekiesers gaan stem het. Dit het hul getalle in verhouding opgestoot.

Die opkoms gaan op Woensdag deurslaggewend wees. Ons eie interne navorsing toon dat as elke DA-kieser gaan stem, en as meer DA-kiesers in verhouding tot ANC-kiesers opdaag, sal ons die ANC landswyd 'n meerderheid van twee derdes ontsê, en kan ons die ANC selfs tot minder as 60% beperk. In provinsies soos Gauteng en die Noord-Kaap, waar die ANC se greep op die mag die minste is, kan ons genoeg stemme kry om koalisieregerings te skep. As elke DA-kieser in die Wes-Kaap opdaag, kan ons die provinsie met 'n volstrekte meerderheid wen.

Die ANC is magshonger. Hy wil selfs meer as 'n tweederde-meerderheid hê. Op Woensdag het Julius Malema, die verspotte president van die ANC se Jeugliga, in een van sy tipiese fascistiese uitbarstings by die Universiteit van Kaapstad studente aangesê om die ANC "met 'n meerderheid van drie derdes" weer aan bewind te plaas. Hy het bloot nageaap wat Gwede Mantashe, die ANC se sekretaris-generaal, vroeër in die verkiesingsveldtog gesê het. Sy woorde was: "Ons wil nie 'n tweederde-meerderheid hê nie, ons wil in elke provinsie, met inbegrip van die Wes-Kaap, 'n driederde-meerderheid hê."

Malema glo Zuma is "onstuitbaar". Hy het Zuma 'n "biologiese tsoenami" genoem. Dis onsin. As elke DA-ondersteuner op 22 April gaan stem, kan ons verhoed dat die "biologiese tsoenami" verwoesting in Suid-Afrika saai.

Dit staan vas: as die ANC 'n meerderheid van twee derdes kry, met Zuma as President, gaan daar ernstige gevolge wees. Mnr. Zuma het geen begrip van konstitusionalisme nie, al is dit die rots waarop ons demokrasie gebou is. Hy het al dikwels gesê die ANC is belangriker as die Grondwet, dat opposisiepartye geen outomatiese bestaansreg het nie, en dat die magte van die Konstitusionele Hof hersien moet word omdat die regters "nie God" is nie. Zuma is die soort leier wat 'n regering op die pad na baantjies vir boeties, korrupsie en kriminalisering plaas - die pad wat uiteindelik in 'n mislukte staat uitloop. Ons het reeds die bewyse hiervan gesien.

Tot dusver het die heerserskliek in die ANC die Skerpioene ontbind, Vusi Pikoli, die vorige nasionale Direkteur van Openbare Vervolgings (NDOV), ontslaan, die vroegtydige vrylating van Zuma se weldoener, Schabir Shaik, uit die tronk bewimpel, en druk op Mokotedi Mpshe, die waarnemende NDOV, geplaas om aanklagte teen Zuma te laat vaar. Al dié stappe is gedoen om Zuma en sy kliek te beskerm.

Dit is dus duidelik dat niks Zuma sal stuit om die Grondwet en die oppergesag van die reg te ondermyn om homself en sy kliek te verryk en hulle teen vervolging te beskerm nie.

Gister het die Kabinet aangekondig dat hy die konsep van 'n Wysigingswet op die 17de Wysiging van die Grondwet goedgekeur het. Dit sal die nasionale regering in staat stel om plaaslike regerings se magte oor te neem. Dié Wetsontwerp sal nou na die Parlement toe gaan, en as die ANC op 22 April 'n meerderheid van twee derdes kry, sal hy die Wetsontwerp in die Parlement deurdruk. As dit bekragtig word, sal die ANC die wet inspan om die mandaat van 'n verkose plaaslike owerheid sterk aan bande te lê, veral waar die ANC nié regeer nie, en waar plaaslike owerhede heel tereg weier om ANC-beleid in te stel. Die Kabinet se goedkeuring van die wetsontwerp kom twee dae nadat ANC-woordvoerders uitdruklik ontken het dat só 'n wetsontwerp bestaan.

'n Meerderheid van twee derdes sal die ANC die mag gee om ander dreigemente uit te voer. Die ANC het reeds gedreig om eiendomsregte terug te trek, persvryheid te ondermyn en te sorg dat die howe bloot 'n uitbreiding van die ANC word - net soos grondwet-instellings soos die Openbare Beskermer en die Nasionale Vervolgingsgesag reeds deur kaderontplooiing uitbreidings van die ANC geword het.

Landswyd is die DA die enigste party wat 'n mens kan vertrou om te sorg dat Zuma se kliek sy mag nie misbruik om die Grondwet te wysig nie. Ons ding egter nie net nasionaal in hierdie verkiesing mee nie. Ons neem ook in al nege provinsies deel. Daar is 'n uitstekende kans dat ons die Wes-Kaap sal verower, en daar is ook 'n moontlikheid dat ons in een of twee ander provinsies koalisieregerings sal kan skep.

Ons moet op provinsiale vlak die mag in hande kry, want dan sal ons kan bewys watter verskil ons alternatiewe visie, beginsels en beleid in die praktyk vir almal maak, net soos ons dit bewys het waar ons op die vlak van plaaslike regering gewen het. Dit is die doeltreffendste rol wat ons kan speel, nie net waar ons aan die stuur staan nie, maar vir die hele land, terwyl ons die proses van nasionale politieke herrangskikking deurvoer.

As ons in die Wes-Kaap wen, sal ons byvoorbeeld kan bewys wat samewerkende regering tussen plaaslike owerhede en 'n provinsie kan bereik. Albei regeringsfere is op talle manier nóú verweef, en ons kan uitsonderlike resultate bereik as ons almal dieselfde kant toe beur, in plaas van in teenoorgestelde rigtings.

As ons op provinsiale vlak die mag in hande kry, beteken dit ook ons kan die volgende stap op die pad van ons politieke reis neem. Dié reis het in 2006 begin toe die DA in die Stad Kaapstad en ander plaaslike owerhede in die Wes-Kaap aan bewind gekom het. Ons reis sal ná 22 April voortduur, want dan gaan ons vir die plaaslike verkiesings van 2011 voorberei. In dié verkiesings gaan ons stede en dorpe orals in Suid-Afrika verower. As die laaste been van dié reis sal ons in 2014 die kern van die nasionale regering uitmaak.

Ons kan sonder jou stem op Woensdag dié reis nie voortsit nie. Ons sal nie die nodige verbande kan lê om ons eindbestemming te bereik nie. En as die ANC 'n meerderheid van twee derdes kry, sal hy elke moontlike struikelblok in ons pad plaas om ons te ontspoor.

Die belangrikste verkiesing in Zimbabwe was nie verlede jaar, toe die MDC meer stemme as Mugabe se Zanu-PF gekry het nie, al is die verkiesing blatante bekook. Dit was in 2000, toe die MDC net-net met 1% van die stemme teen Zanu-PF verloor het. As elke enkele MDC-ondersteuner in daardie verkiesing gaan stem het, sou Zimbabwe se rampspoedige agteruitgang miskien nie gebeur het nie. Zimbabwe sou vandag bes moontlik die welvarende nasie van weleer gewees het, in plaas van die mislukte staat van die hede.

Dit is die verskil wat jou stem kan maak. Dit is die verskil tussen sukses en mislukking. Dié verkiesing gaan 'n keerpunt in Suid-Afrika se geskiedenis wees. Dit is trouens die belangrikste verkiesing ná 1994, want ons keuse gaan bepaal of die land 'n suksesvolle demokrasie word (en dit is verloklik binne ons bereik), of die afwaartse spiraal na 'n mislukte staat gaan voortsit.

In 'n demokrasie kry die kiesers die regering wat hulle verdien. Suid-Afrika se toekoms lê komende Woensdag in die hande van elke individuele kieser. Een stem kan 'n oorwinning beteken, of 'n nederlaag. Tien jaar van nou af gaan dit vir almal klinkklaar wees dat dit in dié verkiesing reg was om vir die DA te stem. Maar dan gaan dit te laat wees. Doen dit dus nóú.

Why You Should Vote DA

From SA Today 17 April 2009

Go out and vote on Wednesday 22 April!

Every single registered voter who supports the DA must go out and vote in the election on Wednesday. Your vote is critical: it could be the vote that tips the scales. The mathematics are simple: the more DA voters turn out relative to ANC voters, the better our chances are of stopping Jacob Zuma from getting the two-thirds majority he needs to change the Constitution.

Voter turnout makes a huge difference to the election result in our proportional representation electoral system. One political analyst uses the analogy of a birthday party to explain the impact of turnout. On your birthday, you buy a cake and have a party for ten people. If everyone comes, each gets one tenth of the cake. If only five attend, each gets one fifth of the cake. This means that each of the five friends who come to the party gets a slice of cake double the size of what they would have got, because the other five stayed away. In the same way, all voters who vote in an election make up the 100% representational tally which is then divided up proportionately among parties. If DA voters stay away in higher numbers than ANC supporters, the effect is to increase the proportional power of the ANC vote. And vice-versa.

In previous elections, differential turn-out has benefited the ANC. This means that more ANC voters than opposition voters turned out to vote. And that proportionately boosted their tally.

Turnout will be decisive on Wednesday. Our own internal research shows that if every DA supporter goes to vote, and if more DA voters turn out relative to ANC voters, we will keep the ANC below a two-thirds majority nationally and we could even drive the ANC below 60%. In provinces like Gauteng and the Northern Cape, where the ANC's grip on power is weakest, if every DA voter turns out, we could win enough votes to be able to form coalition governments. In the Western Cape, if every DA voter turns out, we could win the province outright.

The ANC is power-hungry. It wants even more than a two-thirds majority. On Wednesday, in one of his stock fascist tirades, the imbecilic President of the ANC Youth League, Julius Malema, told students at the University of Cape Town to return the ANC to power with "a three-thirds majority". He was merely parroting ANC Secretary-General, Gwede Mantashe, who earlier in the election campaign said, "We don't want a two-thirds majority; we want a three-thirds majority in any province including the Western Cape". Malema believes Zuma is "unstoppable". He referred to him as a "biological tsunami". That is untrue. If every DA supporter goes to the polls on 22 April, we can prevent the "biological tsunami" from wreaking devastation on South Africa.

Make no mistake: if the ANC gets a two-thirds majority with Zuma as President, the consequences will be serious. Mr Zuma has no understanding of constitutionalism, which is the bedrock of our democracy. He has often said that the ANC is more important than the Constitution, that opposition parties have no automatic right to exist, and that the powers of the Constitutional Court should be reviewed because judges are "not God". Zuma represents the kind of leaders that take governments down the path of cronyism, corruption and criminalisation, towards the failed state. The evidence is already there.

So far, the ruling clique in the ANC has disbanded the Scorpions; fired the former National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP), Vusi Pikoli; engineered the premature release from prison of Zuma's benefactor, Schabir Shaik; and pressured the acting NDPP, Mokotedi Mpshe, to drop the charges against Zuma. All these steps were taken to shield Zuma and his cronies.

This makes it clear that Zuma will stop at nothing to undermine the Constitution and the rule of law to enrich himself and his cabal, and protect them from prosecution.

Yesterday, the Cabinet announced that it had approved the draft Constitution 17th Amendment Bill, which empowers national government to usurp powers from local government. The Bill will now go to Parliament, and if the ANC gets a two-thirds majority on 22 April, it will force the Bill through Parliament.
If it is enacted, the law will be used by the ANC to severely limit the mandate of an elected local government, especially where the ANC does not govern and where local authorities legitimately refuse to implement ANC policies. The Cabinet approval of the Bill came two days after ANC spokespersons categorically denied the existence of such a Bill.

A two-thirds majority will give the ANC the power to act on other threats.
The ANC has already threatened to revoke property rights, undermine press freedom and make the courts an extension of the ANC - just as constitutional institutions such as the Public Protector and the National Prosecuting Authority have been turned into extensions of the ANC through cadre deployment.

Nationally, the DA is the only party that can be trusted to stop Zuma's clique from abusing its power to change the Constitution. But we are not only contesting this election nationally. We are contesting it in all nine provinces, too. There is an excellent chance that we will win the Western Cape, and also a possibility that we may be able to form coalition governments in one or two other provinces.

We must win power at provincial level, because this will enable us to demonstrate the difference that our alternative vision, principles and policies make in practice, for everyone -just as we have demonstrated where we have won at local government level. This is the most effective role we can play, not only where we govern, but for our country as a whole, as we undertake the process of national political realignment.

Winning power in the Western Cape, for example, will allow us to show what co-operative governance between local authorities and a province can achieve. Both spheres are closely inter-linked in many ways and we can attain exceptional outcomes if we all pull together, rather than in opposite directions.

Winning power provincially also means that we can take the next step in our political journey. That journey started in 2006 when the DA won the City of Cape Town and other local authorities in the Western Cape. Our journey will continue after 22 April, as we prepare to contest the 2011 local government elections, in which we will win cities and towns across South Africa. At the end of the final leg of our journey, we will form the core of national government in 2014.

Without your vote on Wednesday, we cannot continue this journey. We will not make the connection we need to reach our final destination. And if the ANC gets a two-thirds majority, it will throw every obstacle it can onto the track to derail us.

The most important election in Zimbabwe was not last year when the MDC won more votes than Mugabe's Zanu-PF, despite the election being blatantly rigged. It was in 2000, when the MDC narrowly lost to Zanu-PF by 1% of the vote. If every MDC supporter had gone out to vote in that election, Zimbabwe's catastrophic slide may have been halted. Today Zimbabwe might have been the prosperous nation it once was, instead of the failed state it has become.

That is the difference your vote makes. It is the difference between success and failure. This election will be a defining moment in South Africa's history. In fact, it is the most important election since 1994, because the choice we make will determine whether our country becomes a successful democracy, which is tantalisingly within our reach, or continues the downward spiral towards a failed state.

In a democracy, voters get the government they deserve. The future of South Africa lies in the hands of every individual voter this Wednesday. One vote can win it - or lose it. In ten years time it will be obvious to everyone that voting for the DA in this election was the right thing to do. By then it will be too late. So do it now.

COUNCIL EMBARKS ON ANOTHER EXPENSIVE FUNCTION IN WAKE OF CASH FLOW PROBLEMS

Issued by Fred Nel, DA Tshwane spokesperson on Public Accounts

The DA has learnt reliably that Council this week approved expenditure to host a function for 600 people on 4 April 2009, despite no invitations being issued yet. Even worse is the fact that the Council is hosting this function when its top officials are scratching to collect enough funds to pay salaries at the end of the month.
Fred Nel, the DA’s spokesperson on Public Accounts in the Tshwane Metro commented said: “This smacks of ANC electioneering at the Council’s expense. How can you organise a function for 600 people in just over a week and you have not yet sent out invitations? The council only decided on service providers for this event this past week. We are very concerned about the way this event is being put together and will ask for an investigation into the procurement of service providers for this event as well as whether this is another wasteful expenditure as it is unlikely that many people will turn up for this event.”
The DA is very concerned about the Council’s cash flow situation and question why so much money is being spent on such a large function when times are so tough. The DA calls on the mayor to put an end to lavish parties that places increasing pressure on the council’s cash flow position.

TSHWANE COUNCIL CASH FLOW PROBLEMS COULD SEE OFFICIALS WITHOUT SALARIES

Issued by Fred Nel, DA Tshwane spokesperson on Public Accounts

The Democratic Alliance has confidentially learnt that the Tshwane Council’s cash flow headache has now reached crisis proportions.
“Our information from reliable sources is that the Council is struggling with its cash flow and that its officials are scratching their heads to find enough income to pay salaries at the end of the month” said Fred Nel the DA’s spokesperson on Public Accounts in the Tshwane Metro.
“We were aware that there were concerns about the Council’s cash flow last month when a turnaround strategy for its finances was submitted to Council, despite the Mayor assuring Council that there were no problems with the Council’s finances. Why would we need a turnaround strategy when there was nothing wrong with Council’s finances? The item was withdrawn from the agenda when the DA wanted to discuss the content of the report at the meeting.” said Nel.
The DA is concerned that the turnaround strategy seemingly followed by Council only concentrates on cutting expenses and freezing vacancies in the Council but ignores collecting money owed to the Council. The Council’s outstanding debtors amounts to an excess of R 3 billion.
“Current debt collection strategies are failing and the lack of political will to collect on outstanding debts is pushing the Council further into the red. We warned council in August already that this was going to happen but the ANC did not listen. If the DA was in control we would have concentrated in getting the money in instead of cutting expenses which could negatively affect service delivery.” said Nel.
The DA calls on the Mayor to ensure that a suitable and realistic turnaround and debt collection strategy is tabled at the next Council meeting in order to address this crisis. Although, by then it may already be too late.

DA REQUESTS PROBE INTO MISUSE OF COUNCIL RESOURCES FOR MAYOR’S DAUGHTER

Issued by Fred Nel, DA Tshwane Spokesperson on Public Accounts

It is with shock that the DA learnt that Tshwane Council VIP vehicles and body guards were used to escort the Mayor’s daughter to the Hatfield Community Court to appear on charges of alleged drug possession and assault on Tuesday 24 March 2009.
“The Mayor’s misuse of council resources for a private matter is shocking and can be viewed as a wasteful expenditure under the Municipal Finance Management Act. Consequently we will request the Council to investigate the misuse of Council resources (VIP vehicles and bodyguards) by the Mayor and her family” said Fred Nel the DA’s spokesperson on Public Accounts in the Tshwane Metro.
The DA also mentioned that the Mayor’s daughter did not qualify for such special treatment by the Council and should have travelled to the court on her own steam. Although the mayor attended to support her daughter it was a private matter and not part of her official duties, and therefore she did not qualify for the use of official Council resources.

The ANC has failed the youth

Speech delivered by Helen Zille, Leader of the Democratic Alliance5 March 2009 at UCT

In the ANC's closed, crony society, people get preferential treatment if they have friends in high places. That explains why Jacob Zuma's former financial advisor, Schabir Shaik, can be fast-tracked for release on medical parole -- without official confirmation that he is terminally ill -- while hundreds of other terminally ill prisoners die waiting for their parole applications to be processed. Shaik's discharge is a case of "parole for pals". That is how the closed, crony society operates. It benefits members of a closed network whose interests, like Zuma and Shaik's, are mutually reinforcing. It leads to corruption and power abuse. Shaik’s parole is just the first step. In a recent interview, Zuma hinted strongly that he would pardon Shaik should he become President. He said: “Why should I discriminate against him [Shaik], because he happens to be my comrade and friend? How can I punish him for that?” The ANC has failed the vast majority of prisoners who do legitimately qualify for medical parole, but it has personally benefited Shaik. In the same way, the ANC has failed to create opportunity for the vast majority of South African youth with its closed, crony policies, but it has privileged a select few, like its blundering Youth League President, Julius Malema. In return for their slavish obedience to Jacob Zuma and their promises to “kill for Zuma”, members of the Youth League’s ruling clique are rewarded with perks, positions and privileges. They drive around in fancy cars and wear flashy clothes, which haven’t been earned through hard work and talent, but which have been acquired through networks based on cronyism and corruption. The Gucci revolutionaries in the ANC Youth League couldn’t care less about empowering and developing the youth. Like their counterparts in the parent body, they are only interested in keeping on Zuma’s right side, lining their back pockets and entrenching their power inside and outside the party. That is why, at its National Executive Committee (NEC) Lekgotla ten days ago, the Youth League undertook to continue its support for Zuma and insisted on nominating its Deputy President as Chairperson of the new National Youth Development Agency (NDYA) Board. The NDYA will be funded by the taxpayer, and you can count on it that if members of the ANC Youth League get onto the Board, taxpayers’ money will be wasted in expensive hotels and restaurants and squandered on BMWs and designer labels. The ANC, like its Youth League, has betrayed the youth of South Africa. One of the key findings that went unnoticed earlier this week when Statistics South released its latest unemployment data is that 75% of all unemployed South Africans are aged between 15 and 34. More than one third are between 15 and 24 years old. These figures are an indictment on the ANC. They show that the ruling party has failed to equip the “born-free” generation with the education and skills they need to participate in the economy and thereby contribute to the prosperity of all South Africans. The growing pool of poorly educated, unskilled and unemployed young South Africans aggravates a vicious cycle of other social problems – like poverty, delinquency, alcoholism, drug abuse and crime – which destroy the cornerstones of a democratic society: openness and opportunity. It also breeds frustration, anger and despair. But the fact is that the ANC has actively swelled this pool of disadvantaged youth through its policies, which are destroying opportunity and entrenching the closed, crony society. The rot starts in the education system. Too many learners drop out of the system before they reach benchmarked levels of achievement, and before they are functionally literate and numerate. Between 2005 and 2007, 535 000 young people left school without a passing certificate of any kind. Most of these people have no prospect of finding gainful employment. Those who remain in the system do not, by and large, receive a quality education: they are not provided with the tools they need to exercise their freedom, take advantage of their opportunities, and develop their full potential. Even if learners make it to matric – and pass – this does not guarantee them a job. That is because of labour laws which make it harder for job-seekers to enter the market and discourage employers from hiring workers – especially those who do not have a skills qualification or work record. Meanwhile, the ANC’s efforts to improve skills development by funding learnerships through the sectoral education and training authorities (Setas) have backfired. The Setas are a financial sinkhole: they are riddled with corruption and they have repeatedly failed to respond to the needs of the market. The DA believes that the state should focus on expanding and promoting equal opportunities for the youth through quality education, incentivised skills development and policies conducive to job-creating economic growth. Our education policy focuses on the essentials: reading, writing and calculating. It helps learners from disadvantaged backgrounds to overcome poverty and develop their natural talents by encouraging them to match their opportunities with hard work and personal responsibility, and by rewarding them for doing so. We will introduce a bursary voucher programme for academically promising children from low-income families, giving them the opportunity to receive better school education. The DA will provide all learners who pass matric with an opportunity voucher that they can use to start a small business or subsidise the costs of further education.To make it easier for young people to enter the labour market, we will reform the laws that destroy the prospects of many unemployed people to get jobs. We will encourage employers to hire first-time jobseekers by subsidising employees’ wages for a specific period to enable them to gain experience and demonstrate what they are capable of doing. And to promote skills development, we will reimburse employers for the cost of skills training. We believe that these policies will go a long way to reversing the scourge of youth unemployment brought upon us by the ANC. Our manifesto also includes a range of proposals that enable youths from disadvantaged backgrounds access to various work opportunities. They can sign up for a Youth Development Programme, or enrol for voluntary community service in the public sector, the police or the defence force. Those who complete these training periods would either be absorbed into the permanent structures of the public service or qualify for an opportunity voucher to further their careers. These proposals will create opportunity for the youth. In fact, the DA is the only party that puts youth development at the centre of its agenda. We have a range of other initiatives aimed at empowering the youth – like our Young Leaders’ Programme and our volunteer campaign, which you can find out more about at www.contributetochange.org.za. I invite you to be part of the DA’s efforts to empower the youth. There is a new wave of interest in politics among young people. During the recent IEC voter registration window, more than 1 million young people in the 18-to-29 age bracket registered to cast their ballots for the first time, compared to 300 000 older citizens. A total of 6 million youths under the age of 29 are now on the voters’ roll, compared to 4 million in 2004. Your vote is your power. Vote for a party that cares about the youth. Vote for a party that has carefully researched, workable, and costed solutions to unemployment, poverty and crime. Come 22 April, vote DA and vote to win!

DA Pretoria Candidates Announced

The DA in Pretoria is proud to announce the names of 10 candidates who obtained high positions on the DA's provincial and national parliamentary lists for the 2009 elections. In the photograph above are:

Back: Kenneth Mubu (Academic), Stevens Mokgalapa (Councillor), Dr. Manie van Dyk (MP), Fred Nel (Councillor), Justus de Goede (Councillor).

Front: Les Labuschagne (MP), Rika Kruger (MPL), Sej Motau (Businessman), Natasha Michael (Councillor).

Absent from this photograph is Juanita Lourens-Klopper (Academic).

You may contact any of these candidates to address a house meeting or other event or just chat with them about the DA through the DA Gauteng North Regional office at Tel: 012-343-1358.