Sal Mugabe Steeds Toegejuig Word?

GROEIENDE GETY
Nr. 12/08
‘n Weeklikse e-pos brief deur Jack Bloom, DA Leier in die Gauteng Provinsiale Wetgewer
7 April 2008

Toe Zimbabwe se President, Robert Mugabe, die tweede inhuldiging van President Thabo Mbeki bygewoon het in April 2004, is hy staande toegejuig.

Dit verduidelik waarom Mbeki so lank vir Mugabe vertroetel het – hy geniet sterk plaaslike steun, veral onder belangrike ANC besluitnemers.

Dit kan nouliks buitelandse beleid genoem word, aangesien dit so ‘n groot binnelandse impak het met die hordes immigrante wat vanaf Zimbabwe se rampspoedige ekonomie gevlug het.

Die Centre for Development and Enterprise (CDE) het onlangs beweer dat die sogenaamde 3 miljoen Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika waarskynlik nader is aan 800 000 tot 1 miljoen.

Dit is steeds aansienlik baie, en ‘n groot gedeelte van hulle is in Gauteng. Heelwat bly in Johannesburg se middestad, en ek het al heelwat Zimbabwiërs wat hulp kom soek ontvang in my kantoor by die Wetgewer.

Meeste het beweer om verbind te wees aan die MDC-opposisie, en hulle het tragiese verhale vertel. Een aktivis het gepraat oor die marteling wat gemaak het dat hy nie meer kinders kan hê nie. Hy wou ‘n gewapende stryd begin, en dit het my getref dat ANC-uitgewekenes soortgelyke stories moes gehad het, maar nou hulself doof hou vir hul bure se nood.

Al my besoekers het vir Mbeki verpes omdat hy kop in een mus met Mugabe was. Daar is al baie gepraat oor die onderworpenheid van Zimbabwiërs wat nie opstaan en baklei teen die onderdrukking nie. Ek dink hierdie houding onderskat hoe ontmoedigend Mbeki se ondersteuning vir Mugabe vir hulle moet wees. Swart Suid-Afrikaners was immers onderskraag deur steun uit die res van Afrika en talle oorsese veldtogte gedurende hulle stryd.

So onlangs soos Maart laasjaar het Mugabe die grootste toejuiging ontvang by Ghana se viering van 50 jaar van onafhanklikheid.

Dis nogal treffend om te sien hoeveel van dieselfde argumente Zanu-PF as die ANC gebruik om hulle regering te regverdig, ten spyte van al die korrupsie en onbekwaamheid. Die DA word byvoorbeeld gereeld vertel dat ons slegs in parlement sit omdat die ANC die land bevry het.

Die ANC deel met Mugabe die oortuiging dat ‘n bevrydingsbeweging geregverdig is om nimmereindigend aan bewind te bly, soos Jacob Zuma wat opgemerk het dat die ANC sal regeer “totdat Jesus terugkeer”.

Daar is seker ANC-lede wat jaloers is dat Mugabe baie van die dinge gedoen het wat hulle graag sou wou, soos plase oorneem, maar hulle word beperk deur die Grondwet en ekonomiese realiteite.

Daar is ook ander ooreenkomste, soos die vervaging tussen party en staat, en die voordele wat sekeres met politieke bande ontvang in die naam van transformasie.

John Kane-Berman van die SA Institute for Race Relations het gewaarsku dat die post-Polokwane ANC poog om besluitneming te sentraliseer na ‘n politburo van die 87 lede van die Nasionale Uitvoerdende Komitee, wat die Grondwet sal ondermyn en parlement behandel soos ‘n rubberstempel.

Daar is gelukkig teenstrydige faktore in Suid-Afrika, soos selfstandig-denkende lede van die ANC en ‘n sterk burgerlike samelewing.

Ons leer ook belangrike lesse van Zimbabwe aangaande die rampspoedige gevolge van ‘n een-party regering, populistiese prysbeheer en roekelose druk van geld. Sal Mugabe steeds toegejuig word as hy ‘n geleentheid in Suid-Afrika bywoon?

Ek vermoed dat die ANC Mugabe staande gehou het omdat hulle vrees dat die mense hier iets sal leer deur te sien hoe ‘n bevrydingsbeweging omver gewerp word.

Die sielkundige effek kan enorm wees as kiesers eers besef dat hulle die ANC kan straf vir fiasko’s soos Eskom se kragonderbrekings, deur bloot te stem vir ‘n ander party.

Dit sal ‘n deurslaggewende ontwikkeling in ons demokrasie wees, en die identiteit-gebaseerde politiek transformeer na ‘n werklike kragmeting, waar dit beleid en werkverrigting is wat saak maak.

Will They Still Cheer Mugabe?

Rising Tide

A weekly e-mail letter by Jack Bloom, DA Leader in the Gauteng Provincial Legislature
7 April 2008

When Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe attended the second inauguration of President Thabo Mbeki in April 2004 he got cheers and a standing ovation.
This explains why Mbeki has coddled Mugabe for so long, as there is a strong domestic constituency for him, especially amongst key ANC decision-makers.

It can barely be called a foreign policy issue as it has such a high local impact with the many Zimbabwe immigrants who have fled the economic disaster in their home country.

The Centre for Development and Enterprise (CDE) has recently queried the oft-cited figure of 3 million Zimbabweans in South Africa, contending that it is more likely between 800 000 and 1 million.

This is still very sizeable, a large proportion of which is in Gauteng. Many live in Johannesburg’s inner city, and I have often received Zimbabweans in my legislature office asking for assistance.

Most claimed to be linked to the MDC opposition and told very sad stories. One activist spoke of torture that left him unable to have children. He wanted to go the armed struggle route, and it struck me that ANC exiles must have told similar stories and made similar appeals, but are now deaf to the Zimbabwean plight.

All my visitors detested Mbeki for collaborating with Mugabe. Much has been said about the “docility” of Zimbabweans in not fighting against an oppressive regime, but I think this underestimates how demoralizing Mbeki’s perceived support for Mugabe has been for them. Black South Africans, after all, were emboldened by support from the rest of Africa and by overseas campaigns on their behalf.

As recently as March last year, Mugabe received the biggest cheer at Ghana’s celebration of 50 years of independence.

It is quite striking to note how Zanu-PF uses many of the same arguments that the ANC uses here to justify their rule despite corruption and incompetence. For instance, the DA is constantly lectured that we only sit in parliament and other elected bodies because the ANC liberated the country.

The ANC shares with Mugabe the belief that a liberation movement has the legitimacy to rule in perpetuity, as in Jacob Zuma’s comment that the ANC will rule “until Jesus comes back”.

ANC members are probably envious that Mugabe has done many of the things they would like to do, such as mass expropriations of farms, but are restrained by the constitution and by economic reality.

There are other similarities, such as the blurring of party and state, and benefits conferred on the politically connected in the name of transformation.

John Kane-Berman of the SA Institute of Race Relations has warned of moves by the post-Polokwane ANC to subvert our constitution by centralising decisions in a Soviet-style politburo comprised of its 87-member National Executive Committee that will treat parliament as a rubber-stamp.

There are fortunately countervailing factors in South Africa, including independent-minded people in the ANC and a strong civil society.

We are also learning important lessons from Zimbabwe about the disastrous consequences of entrenched one-party rule, populist price controls and reckless printing of money. Would Mugabe still be cheered if he visited an event in South Africa?

I suspect that the ANC has propped up Mugabe because it fears that people here will learn something from the sight of a liberation movement being toppled.

The psychological effect could be huge as voters realize that they can punish the ANC for fiascos like the Eskom power failure by voting for another party.

This would be a crucial development in our democracy, transforming our largely identity-based politics into a real contest where policies and performance matter.