DA Win Victory on IDP in Tshwane Council

On Thursday 24 April the DA in Tshwane made a proposal about public participation in the Tshwane Council with regards the Tshwane Integrated Development Plan (IDP). The DA had serious concerns about the fact that the public participation on the IDP was poorly executed and that the document was nor freely available.

During the debate DA leader in the Tshwane Council, Fred Nel, spoke in support of an extension of the the public participation period for the IDP. He reiterated that the document was not made freely available and that is was also not put on the agenda during public participation meetings.

Cllr Elmarie Linde from the DA then proposed an amendment to the report suggesting a further extension for the public participation on the Tshwa IDP. The ANC in the council agreed with the DA amendment and the period for public participation was extended to 15 May 2008.

Below are some of the speeches delivered during the debate by DA councillors.

COUNCIL 2008-04-24 ITEM 1 THE DRAFT TSHWANE INTEGRATED DEVELOPMENT PLAN 2006-2011

CLR C J NAPIER

Mr Speaker
We have had six years of compiling IDPs and we are still not getting it right. The only real differences between the first draft document we received in 2002 and the one before us is that the present one is a little thinner and also this one still does not focus on the real issues. The present one contains many tables of what we have in terms of water and toilets and so on. My ward 57 committee has over the years made many reasonable inputs to the IDP. In the document before us I see very little of relevance to my ward which I must add is probably one of the most rapidly developing in the Tshwane municipal area. It seems that the ward 57 inputs simply disappear into the big pot. My ward committee would feel happy if they got some sort of feedback in response to the inputs made. All they want are reasons as to why their inputs can or cannot be accommodated.

Mr Speaker – I have had to ask a question in this council as to whether the ward 57 inputs are being considered. After a long wait I received some replies and others I am still waiting for to this day. This is not how the process should work. My ward committee is becoming very dissolutioned. The Municipality calls for people to become involved – for public participation. If people are to become involved and stay involved they must get some feedback otherwise they will simply drift away and distance themselves from political processes. Integrated Development Planning will simply return to what it was – a highly bureaucratic and centralised process – and this is something we do not want. I believe it is time to rethink the whole IDP process.

I thank you.

Honourable Mr Speaker
I comment on the Draft IDP for Tshwane. It is also known as the UDP.
The Unintegrated Development Plan for Tshwane.
An integrated plan is an integrated holistic picture. It is a plan in which the various sections compliment each other, after interaction with each other.
BUT:
There is a lack of interaction of the various departments of the TMMC in the compilation and implementation of this Development Plan. Much more participatory governance and acknowledgement of participation from the local community is necessary to become successful.
What comments have been received from the various mechanisms of the municipality e.g. Ward Committees and have been accommodated in the TIDP tabled today.
The Unintegrated compilation of inputs from the various Departments will once again result in future integrated chaos on our roads and with service delivery. Departments function as islands distantly separated from each other. There is no indication that Land usage, City development and Roads and Storm water interact on the Integrated Development Plan. It is an Unintegrated mismanaged form of governance.
The fact that land use intensification has been allowed to taken place without matching infrastructure development (roads and public transport infrastructure, storm water, sewage disposal, electricity etc) is a major cause for concern for residents.
Over the past few decades money and the interests of property developers have dictated the nature, pace and direction of development in the city. Successive municipal councils have allowed this to happen without providing the infrastructure and services required to support this development. We are concerned that this pattern will continue with this TIDP.
Governance must consolidate the needs of the various departments, wards, developers and communities in an integrated way. Governance should not follow the one sided inputs of developers in an Unintegrated and unplanned way.
Do we hear the tune of: “Money, money, money” instead of “Planning, planning, planning” in the TIDP.
The DA supports the Ward Committees and residents request that:
o The growth problems are correctly analysed in the document so that the correct remedy can be applied: namely to clearly state that infrastructure provision has lagged behind market lead densification and land use intensification.
o The TIDP clearly outlines the principle that land use intensification and infrastructure development should go hand in hand.
o The TIDP gives substance to this principle by proposing a framework on how the various service delivery and planning departments in the CTMM will work together to ensure that spatial development and service delivery is properly coordinated and linked to time frames and budgets
o The TIDP outlines the need for infrastructure expansion to cater for density increases.
Further consultation must take place before the TIDP is approved or, alternatively the TIDP should state that the detailed selection of activity spines and “mixed use” area along these spines should be dealt with as part of the “local precinct plans” provided for in the RSDF. Detail for specific locations should be discussed with local stakeholders and dealt with as part of the precinct plans.
These needs should either be rectified in the TIDP document or be acknowledged in the document with a recommendation on how these shortcomings will be addressed.

I thank you Mr Speaker

Councillor Doulien VdM Snyman
Ward Councillor – Ward 42

Protest About Zimbabwe Friday 25 April

Sandra Botha MP, Parliamentary leader of the DA will hand over a document suggesting solutions on Zimbabwe tomorrow 25 April at 11:00 to the Dept of Foreign Affairs at 101 Hamilton street, Arcadia, Pretoria.

The document to be handed over by Sandra will be a set of proposals for the Minister of Foreign Affairs. These proposals outline a number of concrete steps that can be taken to bring about an almost immediate resolution to the crisis in Zimbabwe. Once this set of proposals have been handed over the Minister of Foreign Affairs will no longer be able to claim that there is no other option to quiet diplomacy to solve the crisis in Zimbabwe.

PLEASE JOIN US THERE!!!!

DA Sê NEE VIR CHIRURG AS ADVISEUR VIR PLEK- EN STRAATNAME

MEDIAVERKLARING DEUR RDL. DANIE ERASMUS, DA WOORDVOERDER OOR OPENBARE PLEK- EN STRAATNAME

20 April 2008. GEEN EMBARGO

Die komitee vir Plek en Straatname het die afgelope Vrydag besluit om ‘n paneel van buite adviseurs aan te stel om soos dit gestel word “die proses van straat naam goedkeuring en die behaling van strategiese doelwitte te bespoedig”.

Dié saak het reeds voor die komitee op 15 Februarie 2008 gedien. Weens ‘n onvolledige verslag en die weglating van kwalifikasies van die kandidate en ‘n aanbeveling wat die DA nie gepas het, dat die komitee geen onderhoude met die kandidate gevoer het m.b.t. kundigheid en kwalifikasies nie.

Toe die ANC besluit het om die saak terug te verwys het die DA versoek om ook die onderhoud sessie by te woon ter wille van goeie regering en deursigtigheid en het versoek dat die aanbeveling heroorweeg word om twee kandidate in te sluit nl. Mnr Sakkie Kotze en prof. Frans-Johan Pretorius. Die besluit was nie vir die ANC aanvaarbaar nie en het ‘n amendement aanvaar dat die voorsitter, rdl. Segabutla sy diskresie kon gebruik om lede van ander partye vir dié doel uit te nooi.

Volgens die verslag is onderhoude met die kandidate op 19 Februarie gevoer sonder dat die voorsitter sy diskresie uitgevoer het. By nadere ondersoek blyk dit dat die kandidate onder die valse indruk gebring is dat hulle reeds aangestel is en dat hulle op 19 Februarie 2008 hulle eerste vergadering bygewoon het.

Die tien kandidate is:
Dr Michiel Durand
Anton Jansen
Dr André Horn
George Khomo
Malaka Mahlatsi
Mpho Mbokazi
Mashite Mogale
Brig. Gen. dr. Johan Pickard
Dr Dioné Prinsloo
Willem Punt

Rdl. Danie Erasmus, die DA woordvoerder oor Openbare Plek- en Straatname het die ANC gekritiseer om sonder ander partye die onderhoude te hou en het aangedui dat die DA nie die kandidate op papier kan beoordeel met weglating van kundigheid en kwalifikasies, soos die aanbeveling gedoen is nie.

Hy het die voorsitter gevra waarom die ANC so gretig is om dr Michiel Durand, ‘n chirurg aan te stel en prof. Frans-Johan Pretorius, ‘n wêreld bekende historikus oor die hoof gesien is. Laasgenoemde is wêreld bekend vir sy navorsing oor Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en die Engelse oorlog. Hy het vandag (Sondag) deelgeneem aan ‘n uur lange program van die Ierse Nasionale Radio oor die Engelse oorlog. Die feit dat dr. Durand nie eers die moeite gedoen het om die onderhoud / vergadering by te woon nie, dui daarop dat hy òf seker is van dié aanstelling òf dat hy as chirurg te besig is in praktyk en dit reeds die aanduiding is dat hy nie die metro se “proses en behaling van strategiese doelwitte sal bespoedig” nie. Die voorsitter, rdl. Segabutla het hom verweer deur te sê dat hy net dit onder die aandag van kandidate wou bring dat hulle as adviseurs nie vir die taak vergoed sal word nie. Slegs die komitee kan die paneel kan aanstel en elke lid moet daardie voorreg gegun word. Die DA het ‘n voorstel van die VF+ gesekondeer dat Dr Durand met prof Pretorius vervang word. Dié amendement is afgestem en die paneel is aanvaar met teëstem van die DA en ander partye. Dit is jammer dat die wysheid van ‘n historikus moes sneuwel voor die van ‘n chirurg.

“Ek het niks teen dr Durand nie. Hy mag waarskynlik ‘n belangstelling hê in plek- en straatname. Die DA sal onverantwoordelik wees om kandidate goed te keur sonder ‘n onderhoud, volledige verslag van elke kandidaat se kwalifikasies, belangstellings en vorige ondervinding. Ek sou ‘n onreg pleeg teenoor die kiesers van die stad om ‘n chirurg as adviseur vir dié doel aan te stel en dan kundige persone soos prof. Pretorius en mnr. Sakkie Kotze oor die hoof te sien. Al rede waaraan ek kan dink waarom die ANC Durand wil aanstel is om gebiede tans sonder straatname na medici en mediese terme te benoem en sy advies te vra oor Röntgen, Colon, Alzheimer, Pinset, Langerhans, Voltaren, Appendix ens.”, het Erasmus gesê

Rld Danie J. Erasmus
DA woordvoerder: Openbare Plek- en Straatname.
Selfoon: 082 373 7760.

Zille on the Erasmus Commission of Enquiry

EDITED EXTRACT FROM SPEECH BY HELEN ZILLE
LEADER OF THE DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE
EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE CAPE TOWN PRESS CLUB
MONDAY 21 APRIL 2008 19:30

“Some judges allow themselves to be abused and I am afraid that Nathan Erasmus is one of them”

Strictly embargoed against delivery: Monday 21 April 2008, 19:30

The ANC has tried and failed to achieve what it wanted through due process of law, under the Constitution. It cannot find anything that I, the City of Cape Town or the Democratic Alliance did wrong in what it has dubbed the “Spygate saga”, a name that has stuck without foundation in the facts. So they have to find another route, via the Erasmus Commission, which we argue is an illegal and unconstitutional political hit squad that the Premier is using to by-pass the due process of law. We are prepared to take our case to the Constitutional Court if necessary to expose this commission for what it is.

If we had done anything wrong, the legal and constitutional route to nail us, would have been through a police investigation, via the prosecutorial authorities, into a court of law.

But, despite an exhaustive police investigation over many months, no charges have been laid and no evidence has emerged that the Spygate allegations have any substance. Indeed, the investigations so far have found no evidence that the City or the DA engaged in illegal spying. The allegation that the City paid a DA account has also been found to be groundless.

When the ANC realized we had done nothing wrong, and that I was correct when I told them that the first commission was unlawful, rather than back down gracefully, they simply established another commission, extending its terms of reference to issues completely unrelated to the so called “Spygate” matter in a desperate attempt to find something that they could use to bring me down.

This second Erasmus Commission is a platform for a parade of people, with deep personal grudges, to wreak revenge against me in particular and the DA in general. They include people like Kent Morkel, Badih Chaaban, Sheval Arendse and Anwaar Isaacs. This collective forms the core of “a coalition of the aggrieved”. The formation of such coalitions is unavoidable in politics, especially if you believe in running a clean administration.

In the process you have to confront people, and even fire them. They inevitably find common cause with each other and with your political opponents. All of these people, despite what they have done, and despite the fact that the criminal justice system has failed to deal with them, still have their rights. If I have breached any them, I am prepared to take the consequences through due process of law, but not through an unconstitutional political hit squad.

Make no error, (and I say this without any delusions of grandeur), the line-up that comprises this hit squad has me in its sights. This is the reason that the spin-doctors at the Premier’s office tried so hard to attach the “Zillegate” label to their probe. Premier Rasool’s aim is to do as much damage as possible, through smear and innuendo, to me personally in the run-up to the 2009 elections with the aim of preventing the party I lead from winning the Western Cape.

Apart from the distortions and outright lies their testimony to the Commission will produce, such hearings will also make the most innocuous events and actions seem suspect. Every morsel will be seized on by reporters labouring under the illusion that they are covering an impartial judicial commission.

The ANC has established this misperception by appointing a judge as chair. As I have said before, some judges allow themselves be abused, and unfortunately Nathan Erasmus is one of them. Instead of issuing a groveling apology to Erasmus for saying this, as some columnists have suggested I do, I am repeating this statement because it is relevant, because it is true, and because our Constitution protects freedom of speech.

By choosing to chair the Commission, Erasmus has ignored the guidelines accepted by the Constitutional Court to prevent this kind of abuse. Incidentally, when I first approached another Judge of the Cape High Court to chair the City’s inquiry, he declined on the basis that the Constitutional Court’s guidelines prevented him from doing so. Nathan Erasmus ignored them and, having done so, he cannot be protected from the consequences. The Commission is not a court, and its chairman is not acting in the capacity as a Judge and cannot expect the deference due to a judicial process. In fact, if anything, Erasmus’s decision to chair the Commission has undermined the independence of the judiciary required by the Constitution.

He showed his hand in the first week by dismissing the applications of four different parties to the matter, for a postponement of the Commission’s hearings until a court of law has ruled on our objections regarding its constitutionality. Instead, he pressed ahead. After all, if the Commission can squeeze in as many witnesses as possible before our case is heard, enough damage will have been done to make the outcome of our court case academic.

It is no coincidence that Zithulele Twala, the Commission’s secretary, is the brother of Mzukisi Twala, the regional editor of SABC television news. I think it is fair to describe SABC’s television coverage of the Commission as “selective” to put it mildly. But its reach is enormous. The Commission will prove to be a poison-dripping tap, over many months, leaving a lethal lake that will be impossible to mop up in the course of my testimony. And I will be overcome by the fumes as I try to do so. But that, of course, is the purpose. And it is pure power abuse.

It has worked very well before in the Desai Commission, which was also a political assassination attempt by floor crossers against their former DA colleagues from the safety of their new home in the bosom of the ANC.

After weeks of irrelevant and unrelated evidence from a parade of witnesses with axes to grind (similar to the line-up in the Erasmus Commission), Desai (who is a former ANC branch chair) pronounced that he had glimpsed into the DA and seen the “Heart of Darkness”.

Because he is a judge, most people treated this opinion with the deference due to the judgment of a court. It was quoted in banner headlines. And the damage to the DA, after weeks of similar front-page reporting, was profound. There is, of course, no appeal from the opinion of a commission. And so we had to live with the outcome of a commission given the cloak of respectability by the appointment of a judge to chair it, but which I believe was simply another political hit squad.

Ironically, just as the Erasmus Commission was getting under way in 2008, Jurgen Harksen was released from prison. He owned up to giving a donation of R500,000 to the ANC -- almost 5 times as much as he was alleged to have given to the DA. This little admission passed by without attracting the attention of a single reporter who so eagerly covered the Desai Commission. But it struck me like a hammer to the temple.

When we look back, we will see the Erasmus Commission in exactly the same cynical light. Then we will ask why we did not in 2008, focus on the burning questions. Questions like:

Why is the ANC so desperate to protect Badih Chaaban?
Who funded Chaaban’s lavish procurement of councilors prior to the floor crossing?
What was Uri the Russian’s links with local politicians; who killed him and why?
What financial transactions transpired between Morkel and Chaaban, and to what end?
Why did the provincial police commissioner, Mzwandile Petros, personally supervise the raid on investigator Philip du Toit’s house?
How did the Premier come to intimately know the contents of what had been confiscated from Du Toit a few hours afterwards?
What was the Premier’s purpose in inviting Patricia de Lille (but not me) to a private hearing and sharing selective snippets prior to a press conference?
What were the real reasons for du Toit’s arrest? Why was he denied bail?

All these questions point to threads in the real tapestry that should be woven into a proper investigation, both by the police and the media to expose the real scandal. No wonder the Premier is trying to divert attention from these issues that go to the heart of our constitutional democracy, through a ploy called the Erasmus Commission.

I have seen this all before, and I am not the kind of person to allow it to happen a second time without fighting back. If I allow this precedent to become established the ANC will abuse its overwhelming power, against any opponent anywhere who poses a credible threat.

My role is to do the best I can to govern Cape Town, to build a viable opposition and to prevent a one-party state. These goals are in the best interest of South Africa, but they are not in the interests of the ANC. The ANC is therefore going to do whatever is necessary to prevent me from achieving them, by fair means or foul.

Their means are often unconstitutional as well, including the unceasing provincial interference in the domain of local government, to frustrate our capacity to do our job. The media presents these as petty political rows, and rarely recognizes their profound constitutional implications.

In fact, they are all the small steps that cumulatively, over time, widen rather than narrow the gap between the ideals of our Constitution and the reality of our time. Bit by bit they take us in the direction of Zimbabwe.

Our struggle is to prevent that. Exposing and resisting the political abuse represented by the Erasmus Commission, is one small step in our quest to do just that. And I will not shrink from it.

A Message from Helen Zille

Recently, in a radio interview, I made the following statement regarding the Erasmus Commission of Inquiry:

“Some judges allow themselves to be abused, and unfortunately Nathan Erasmus is one of them.”

Die Burger criticized this statement as a challenge to the independence and integrity of the judiciary. On the basis of the advice of Senior Counsel, I am advised that Die Burger’s interpretation is incorrect. Below is my response to Die Burger, published this morning (Afrikaans version follows below).

Best wishes,

Helen Zille
Leader of the Democratic Alliance


To the Editor:

It is ironic that Die Burger’s editorial claiming to defend the independence of the judiciary does precisely the opposite.

The editorial is misguided and wrong. Its faulty premise is that Nathan Erasmus is chairing the Erasmus Commission in his capacity as a Judge and is therefore above criticism. He is NOT acting as a judge. He is merely the chairman of a commission. The commission is not above criticism and nor is its chairman. Furthermore, in accepting the appointment to chair the Commission, Erasmus ignored guidelines laid down by the Constitutional Court, which recommended that Judges turn down appointments outside of a court when such positions “create the risk of judicial entanglement in matters of political controversy.”

Nathan Erasmus has gone against this injunction and cannot be protected from the consequences. The commission he agreed to chair is, we contend, unlawful and unconstitutional. It was established by the ANC as a political hit squad to conduct a drawn-out witch-hunt to smear the opposition in the run-up to the 2009 election. The ANC’s purpose in appointing a judge as chair is to provide a veneer of judicial respectability and protection normally accorded by the public to a court of law. This strategy has worked well because many others, besides Die Burger, are treating the commission and its chairman with the deference applicable to a court of law. There is no legal or constitutional reason to do so. And there is no threat to the independence of the judiciary to say so.

There is, however, no doubt that the independence of the Judiciary is being harmed by Nathan Erasmus’s decision to accept appointment to such a political instrument. It is this decision -- and not my criticism of it -- that harms the independence of the judiciary.

Die Burger is also entirely wrong to suggest that I have a remedy in due legal process. Again Die Burger is confusing the commission with a court. There is no remedy in law from the outcome of a commission. The Commission delivers a report which is nothing more than the opinion of its members. A commission’s report does not have the status of a judgement or the weight of a court behind it. There is no right of appeal against its “opinion” and the “legal processes” that Die Burger states are available to me and the City do not exist. Die Burger made this claim because it was confusing the Commission with a judicial process. This confusion, which is widespread, is the very reason judges should not readily accept invitations by politicians to chair commissions of this type.

If there was any hint of wrongdoing by me or the City, we would have been charged in criminal proceedings instituted by the prosecuting authority if that authority was satisfied that there was a prima facie case that we should answer. The Premier has not used the ordinary judicial process because, despite months of investigation, there is no basis for any charge. So a smear campaign must do instead. That is what the Erasmus Commission is all about.

I will continue to say so because it is the truth and because we have a constitution that protects free speech. This is really the way to defend a “Regstaat”, not by cloaking a witch-hunt in the veneer of judicial respectability.


Aan die Redakteur:

Dit is ironies dat Die Burger se hoofartikel beweer dat hy die onafhanklikheid van die regbank beskerm, maar juis die teenoorgestelde doen.

Die hoofartikel (16 April 2008) is dwaas en verkeerd. Die onsuiwer veronderstelling is dat Nathan Erasmus in sy hoedanigheid as regter die voorsitter van die Erasmus-kommissie is, en daarom bo enige kritiek verhewe staan. Hy tree NIE as ’n regter op nie. Hy is bloot die voorsitter van ’n kommissie. Die kommissie is nie bo kritiek verhewe nie, en die voorsitter daarvan ook nie. Toe Erasmus die aanstelling as voorsitter van die Kommissie aanvaar het, het hy voorts die riglyne wat die Konstitusionele Hof neergelê het, in die wind geslaan, naamlik dat regters aanstellings buite ’n hof moet weier indien só ’n posisie “die gevaar van ’n geregtelike verstrengeling in polities omstrede sake” inhou.

Nathan Erasmus het geen ag op dié opdrag geslaan nie, en kan nie teen die gevolge beskerm word nie. Die kommissie waarvan hy ingestem het om die voorsitter te wees, is na ons mening onwettig en ongrondwetlik. Die ANC het dit as ’n politieke moordbende ingestel om ’n uitgerekte heksejag uit te voer ten einde die opposisie in die aanloop tot die verkiesing van 2009 verdag te maak en te ondermyn. Die ANC se doel toe hy ’n regter as voorsitter aangestel het, was om die skyn van geregtelike aansien en onafhanklikheid wat die publiek gewoonlik aan ’n geregshof toeken, daaraan te verleen. Dié strategie het goed geslaag, want buiten Die Burger benader talle ander die Kommissie en sy voorsitter met die agting wat ’n geregshof toekom. Daar is geen regs- of grondwetlike rede om dit te doen nie. Dit bedreig die onafhanklikheid van die regbank ook geensins om dit te sê nie.

Dit staan egter bo enige twyfel dat Nathan Erasmus se besluit om ’n aanstelling in só ’n politieke werktuig te aanvaar, die onafhanklikheid van die regbank skade aandoen. Dit is dié besluit – en nie my kritiek daarop nie – wat die onafhanklikheid van die regbank knou.

Die Burger is ook geheel en al die kluts kwyt deur aan die hand te doen dat ek ‘n behoorlike regsremedie het. Die Burger verwar die Kommissie nogmaals met ’n geregshof. Daar is geen regsmiddel teen die uitslag van ’n kommissie nie. Die kommissie lewer ’n verslag wat bloot die mening van die lede weerspieël. ’n Kommissie se verslag het nie die status van ‘n uitspraak of die gewig van ‘n hof ter steun nie, al word dit algemeen so gesien. Daar is geen reg op appèl teen sy “mening” nie, en die “regsprosesse” wat volgens Die Burger vir my en die Stad beskikbaar is, bestaan binne die konteks van die kommissie nie. Die Burger maak dié stelling omdat hy die Kommissie en ’n geregtelike proses verwar. Hierdie verwarring is baie algemeen, en juis die rede waarom regters uitnodigings deur politici om as voorsitters van hierdie soort kommissie op te tree, nie geredelik moet aanvaar nie.

As daar enige sweem van ’n misdryf deur my of die Stad was, sou ons strafregtelik voor ’n hof gedaag gewees het. Die vervolgingsgesag sou só ’n geding aanhangig gemaak het indien hy tevrede was dat ons ’n prima facie-saak sou moes verdedig. In só ’n geval sou ons nie net die grondslag van die aanklag kon betwis voordat die eerste getuienis gelewer word nie maar indien ons van mening was dat ’n ongunstige oordeel ten onregte oor ons uitgespreek was, kon ons dit met ’n appèl voor ’n hoër hof uitdaag. Die Premier het ’n gewone regsproses gesystap, want ondanks ondersoeke wat maande geduur het, is geen gronde vir ’n klag gevind nie. ’n Smeerveldtog moet dus maar deug. Dit is waarom die Erasmus-kommissie draai.

Ek sal dit bly sê, want dit is die waarheid, en ook omdat ons ’n Grondwet het wat spraakvryheid beskerm. Dit is hoe ’n mens ’n regstaat beskerm, en nie deur ’n heksejag die skyn van geregtelike aansien te gee nie.

PROPOSAL FOR THE ‘MOOT” RECREATION AND TOURISM NODE

The Ward committee and residents of ward 52 under the leadership of councillor Adriana Randall and ward committee member Johan Snyman held an awareness walk on 12 April 2008. The purpose of the walk was to start the process for a tourism node in ward 52. The following is an excerpt from the proposal from the ward committee for this tourism node.

Report by Johan Snyman (MBA), Former Member of the Executive Committee of the Greater Pretoria Metropolitan Council responsible for Parks and Recreation and at present member responsible for Tourism, in the Ward Committee of Ward 52,chaired by Councillor Adriana Randall.

Introduction

The “East and more so Waterkloof and surroundings are normally associated with the Guest House industry in Pretoria, who is again associated with tourism in Pretoria.

Places like The Fountains, Derdepark Recreational Park, Rietondale Park and others are normally associated with recreation in Pretoria.

Ms. Elzette Maarschalk, a property owner in The Moot, was advocating the opportunity to create a recreation and tourism node in the Moot that will be unique and to the benefit of the community of the Moot, the City of Tshwane, national and international visitors.
The opportunity reminds me of the project of the City of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. The Coppa Cabana beach stretches for 2.5 kilometres next to the four-lane beach road. Two lanes to the east are separated by an isle from the traffic moving in two lanes to the west. On Sundays this project ensures that the two lanes closest to the sea, are converted into a pedestrians only road. The street belongs to the ratepayers and dogs interested in walking, jogging, roller-skating, etc.
After several meetings with Ms Maarschalk, Mr Joseph Clark and other role players, it is my pleasure to present on behalf of those role players and myself,(that is now a converted prophet), to the Ward committee of Ward 52, the proposal for the ‘Moot” recreation and tourism node.

The venue

Normally a node refers to an area with a spine in the form of a road or a river or a mountain, where certain associated activities are taking place. The proposed ‘MOOT” recreation and tourism node will entail recommendations to enhance pedestrian activities and decrease and slow down vehicles, along the 2.5 kilometre long Breyer avenue in Waverley, Pretoria in the City of Tshwane, stretching from Codonia avenue in the west to the T junction close to Bergtuin in the East, next to the southern slope of the Magaliesberg..

What will the ‘Moot” recreation and tourism node entail?

The node will become an attractive and safe haven for pedestrians to use when they want to:

* Walk,
* Jog,
* Run a 2.4 kilometre distance
* Walk the dog,
* Cycle
* Exercise in the open air
* Roller-skate or
* Use the mountain paths in the Magalies Mountains, where a project is in the planning phase to put antelope and buck in the green belt on the mountain.

How will it be accomplished?

The node will be established in such a way that it will be safe to pedestrians, as motor vehicles will be limited to the minimum, without restricting them, and slowed down as it will be usable in such a way that it will be the preferred road for property owners and those who want to make use of the ‘Moot” recreation and tourism facilities, only, to use the road by vehicle.

Council will be requested to support the tourism node by giving fast tracked permission to requests for Guest houses and Coffee shops in homes on Breyer avenue, that fulfil the requirements. It will also be requested to remove the fencing between Breyer avenue and the two parks adjacent to Breyer avenue to include the parks in the ‘MOOT” recreation and tourism node.

What will be necessary to establish the node?

To make this vision a reality, it will be necessary to:

* get the blessing of the ward committee of ward 52
* ensure community information and participation by means of meetings with members of the Community and the steering committee of the planned BMW City Improvement District.
* apply to the City of Tshwane for approval to implement the plan ask council to budget and takes responsibility for the legally required road signs and the erection of the 1 Meter high poles.

Police officers short more than 7 000 bullet-proof vests

Statement issued by: Dianne Kohler-Barnard, DA spokesperson on Safety & Security

SAPS senior management have stated that every police officer has a bullet-proof vest – yet the Minister of Safety and Security says that they are 7 458 vests short. Who do we believe?

In a strategic planning session held in February 2008, the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security was assured by senior SAPS management that there was no shortage of bullet-proof vests. However, according to a parliamentary reply received recently, the police are short of 7,458 bullet-proof vests.

The Democratic Alliance (DA) calls upon the Minister of Safety and Security and his deputy to focus their attention on the basics of policing and to make sure that every police officer is kept safe.

To learn that the same Deputy Minister who created confusion over the right of police to use deadly force is also partly responsible for the failure to issue basic safety equipment shows that the Minister and his Deputy are all about playing to the gallery and not doing their actual jobs. The rush to score cheap political points simply serves to distract the public from the real problems - our police are not even properly equipped to perform their duties.

Given the fact that there are 1124 police stations in the country, this means that there is an average shortage of 7 bullet-proof vests per station.

Last year, the DA conducted a series of police station visits and learned that most stations visited were short of torches, handcuffs, vehicles, cellphones, radios, roadblock kits, pepper spray and portable blue lights.

The DA calls upon the Minister to get the basics of policing right: high quality recruits, professional training and adequate equipment. Unless these basic three elements are in place, the police will never get the upper hand in the fight against crime.

DA calls for Chinese weapons conveyance permit to be immediately suspended

Statement issued by: Rafeek Shah, DA spokesperson on Defence
18 April 2008

The Democratic Alliance (DA) calls for the immediate suspension of a conveyance permit that will allow a Chinese shipment of weapons bound for Zimbabwe to be transported across South African territory. Defence Secretary January Masilela is being highly disingenuous in claiming that there is nothing that South Africa can do to intervene, as there are no arms embargoes against Zimbabwe. In fact South African law clearly precludes the issuing of a permit to a country where there is a reasonable expectation that such weapons will be used for political repression.

The National Conventional Arms Control Act (NCAC) clearly states that the committee must “cancel, amend or suspend the permit if it is in the interests of maintaining and promoting international peace or avoiding repression and terrorism” [Section 14 (3) (d)].

In light of the seriousness of the situation the DA also calls upon Sydney Mfumadi, Chairperson of the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC), to issue a public statement today explaining just how it is possible that his committee approved the granting of a conveyance permit when doing so clearly violates the spirit and the intention of the guiding principles and criteria of the Act.

These sections include:

• S15 (d) “avoid transfers of conventional arms to governments that systematically violate or suppress human rights and fundamental freedoms;
• S15(e) “avoid transfers of conventional arms that are likely to contribute to the escalation of the regional military conflicts, endanger peace by introducing destabilising military capabilities into a region or otherwise contribute to regional instability;
• S15(k) avoid the export of conventional arms that may be used for purposes other than legitimate defence and security needs of the government of the country of import.

Reports from within Zimbabwe point to a dramatic escalation of violence and political repression. The army, police and intelligence units are reportedly being deployed around the country to step up violent intimidation aimed at opposition supporters and members.

Based on the current climate and on historical experience which has graphically illustrated that Robert Mugabe has no qualms about unleashing violence of the worst kind against his own people, there is no possible argument that can be made that allowing a shipment of arms into Zimbabwe does not violate South African law.

It is not surprising that the South African government cannot see why it is ethically and morally obligated to stop the shipments of arms – it lost its moral compass on this issue years ago. What is surprising is that is so ready to mislead South Africa and the world about the fact that it is violating its own laws in order to help prop up Robert Mugabe and his cronies.

Arms Deal TRC will lead to the further criminalisation of the State

SA Today
A weekly letter from the Leader of the Democratic Alliance
[This week’s newsletter is written by Sandra Botha MP, the Parliamentary Leader of the Democratic Alliance. DA national leader Helen Zille is away.]

Lately, the proposal that a TRC-type process be set up to get to the bottom of arms deal corruption has been gaining ground.
The idea was first floated through a process known in Afrikaans as “die opstuur van vlieërs” (kite flying) – a behind-the-scenes process whereby ideas are forwarded to opinion-makers to see whether they will gain acceptance – and surfaced in the media towards the end of March. There is little doubt that this process was precipitated by the establishment of the ad-hoc committee to investigate the arms deal earlier this year by the ANC.
The nub of the argument is that a political solution whereby amnesty should be granted to offenders in exchange for full disclosure – exactly as took place as a result of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) hearings during the late Nineties – is needed, since the alleged arms deal corruption is substantially a political problem.
I believe that this line of reasoning is fundamentally flawed and that there is simply no morally and legally credible justification for side-stepping a judicial solution to get to the bottom of the arms deal.
Allegations concerning arms deal corruption may have first come to light in Parliament, but it was not until the release of a report from the Auditor-General (AG) on Arms Deal irregularities in September 2000 that the allegations gained momentum.
The report itself was the result of the Auditor-General’s office - designed to protect ordinary South Africans from the unscrupulous and the powerful - doing its work, and was therefore no more than the outcome of a democratic process as mandated by the Constitution. The issue only really became politicised when the ANC began intervening politically to obstruct this process, in order to protect those suspected of wrongdoing within its ranks, as well as to protect the party as a whole.
These interventions are well documented, beginning with Tony Yengeni’s first steps to rein in the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) in October 2000, through to the now infamous intervention by the ANC’s “Governance Committee” a month later. This was followed by the debacle surrounding the composition of the Joint Investigation Task Team and its watered down final report that was released only once it had been signed off by the Executive and by Chippy Schaik. Cabinet members and the Speaker of Parliament have all at various junctures attempted to silence debate on this issue.
The argument can also not be made that the problem is political on the basis of the alleged involvement of ANC politicians.
As former President Bill Clinton stated during a recent appearance on a US talk show, in the final analysis, being an elected representative is a job like any other – if you’ve got it, you are obliged to do it like any other employee in any other organisation.
Therefore everybody - whether they be politicians, civil servants, or their associates – who has failed in the duties that they were obliged to carry out by law and in service of the people, should be prosecuted where this failure can be proved.
The manner in which the call for an amnesty-for-truth solution to the arms deal corruption saga has been gaining ground in the popular media points to the problematic manner in which, specifically under the Mbeki presidency, any debate about the state of our democracy is automatically defined by what is desirable for the ANC rather than what is in the interests of our country.
There is no doubt that it is the increased prevalence of this feature of national debate in South Africa today that has, disappointingly, led to a number of highly respected commentators and independent newspapers blindly endorsing the idea of a political rather than a judicial solution. It has resulted in a situation wherein the ANC surreptitiously advances its own interests in full view of the public, but without anybody being able to perceive the full context and implications of the ruling party’s actions.
Let us be quite clear about this: arms deal fraud equates to stealing from the taxpayer. This is nothing less than a criminal transgression that must be exposed and punished as such. Exchanging amnesty for the truth will only result in the perpetrators of arms deal fraud escaping culpability under the law, using political means.
Aside from this inescapable truth, there are several other pressing reasons for refusing amnesty. In the first place, several participants in the arms deal have already been sentenced and convicted of corruption (such as Shabir Shaik and Tony Yengeni) or are currently on trial (such as Jacob Zuma). To change the terms of reparation at this stage would have grave legal consequences.
Secondly, formal investigations are currently being conducted in Britain, Sweden and Germany into the corrupt activities of arms dealers implicated in the South African scandal. It would make practical as well as tactical sense for us to carry out a parallel inquiry in co-operation with these investigations, as this is in fact just one part of a procurement deal which had international ramifications.
More importantly, using the TRC as a template for an investigation in to the arms deal is erroneous. The TRC exchanged amnesty for truth in the interests of national reconciliation (hence its full title), as much as to uncover the truth about apartheid-era atrocities.
No such overarching nation-building project is at stake in the arms deal: to grant amnesty in this case would be simply to allow offending members of the governing party to escape prosecution. This sends out the wrong signal in a country battling to cement the idea that the law applies equally to all, whatever their political affiliation.
Besides, the TRC process was itself flawed, in that the prosecutions that should have followed against those who refused to come forward to the Commission were ineptly handled. Many who should have been arraigned were able to escape scot-free. It would be unacceptable for a similar amnesty to allow possible arms-deal offenders to escape prosecution in the same way.
Even if the alleged arms-deal profiteers - many of whom are high-ranking ANC politicians in government and their allies - are obliged as a result of their disclosures to “exit from “public life” (as suggested by The Sunday Times), this would not necessarily mean that they will lose their political influence or their ability to use such influence for corrupt ends.
The inclusion of convicted arms-deal fraudster Tony Yengeni in the ANC’s National Working Committee demonstrates that the ANC simply does not have the moral impulse left to censure party insiders found guilty of criminal acts. Yengeni’s return to public life sets a precedent: high-ranking party members involved in the arms scandal who do submit to a TRC-type process and who do forego any future claim to public office can merely take up senior positions in the party.
In effect, a TRC-type process would only foster continuing collusion between members of the unholy triangle - business, the ANC and the State - which resulted in arms deal bribery in the first place. It is therefore critical for the future of good governance and democracy in South Africa that we set the appropriate precedent for dealing with corruption now.
The Democratic Alliance (DA) maintains that nothing less than a judicial commission of enquiry, with full powers of subpoena, headed by a judge of impeccable reputation, is required as a matter of urgency to investigate the arms deal.
Such a commission must be appointed by the President to examine all aspects of the deal, and to identify individuals who may have benefited illegally from the deal. After its findings have been made public and accepted by government, prosecutions must follow against alleged wrongdoers in the normal fashion.
We cannot afford to accept anything less than a full and formal judicial enquiry, followed by the prosecution of offenders. South Africans must therefore unite to reject the proposal for a TRC-type process, and instead advocate for the establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry. To allow those implicated in the bribery and corruption surrounding the arms scandal to escape justice, and to undermine the principle of equal dispensation of the law, is a poor price to pay for getting at the facts.
Best Wishes
SANDRA BOTHA MP
DA Parliamentary Leader

Spookhuise

Die LUR van Behuising, Nomvula Mokonyane (die “Koningin van leë beloftes”) het laas November op die Sowetan se voorblad aangekondig dat 468 nuwe voorafvervaardigde huise gebou sal word in Nomzamo, Soweto gedurende Desember. Nog 400 sulke huise sou in Kaalfontein gebou word voor die einde van Maart hierdie jaar. Toe ons haar uitdaag daaroor in die debat oor die Stand van die Provinsie op 21 Februarie hierdie jaar, het sy uitgeroep: “Hulle is daar!” Laasweek het Kate Lorimer LPW die terreine besoek en die huise kon nêrens opgespoor word nie. Kate reken sy het deel van die raaisel opgelos - die Departement beskryf Kaalfontein as “suid van Johannesburg”. Dis inderwaarheid noord van Johannesburg, naby Ivory Park. Mokonyane moet regte huise op regte plekke begin bou in plaas van lugkastele en spookhuise.

Virtue in Hypocrisy

RISING TIDE
A weekly e-mail letter by Jack Bloom, DA Leader in the Gauteng Provincial Legislature
14 April 2008, No: 13/08

There is a charming fairy story of the bitter and vicious king who wished to marry a beautiful young woman. He knew he could not win her over with his cruel-looking face, so he wore a mask that made him look sweet and kindly.

He married her and wore the mask for a full year, but felt that he could not keep up the pretence any longer. He pulled it off and was about to confess his deception, when he saw his face in a mirror. It was the face of a kind man, exactly like the mask that he had worn and which had so changed his behavior that it was a deception no more.

I raise this because one of the arguments against the proposed school pledge and the Bill of Responsibilities that is meant to be recited by children is that it is no use to merely mouth words when teachers behave badly and politicians set a terrible example.

All elected members of parliament and provincial legislatures take an oath or affirmation that they will respect and uphold the constitution. Should we abandon this practice because so many fall short of this ideal?

Many people will say that this is hypocrisy, which is defined as “pretending to be what one is not, or to feel what one does not feel, a pretence of virtue, piety etc”.

It would be wonderful if everyone was sincere in both word and deed, especially people who are meant to be role-models, but the ideal itself should not be under attack because of the personal weakness of those who claim adherence to it. Do we throw out the Ten Commandments because some ministers violate them?

“Hypocrisy is the homage that vice pays to virtue” is a very wise saying. It means that the hypocrite acknowledges the value that society places on virtue, otherwise he/she would openly flout it.

If the hypocrite is caught out, his contrition again affirms the virtue, as when New York Governor Elliott Spitzer said in his resignation speech following disclosure of his use of high-class prostitutes: “I am deeply sorry that I did not live up to what was expected of me“.

Bigoted remarks by Jacob Zuma on women and homosexuals probably revealed his real feelings, but he felt the need to retract under public pressure.

Outright denial is worse, as when Reverend Allan Boesak refused to apologize for stealing donor funds meant for the poor and was granted a pardon without admitting guilt.

There would be no hypocrisy if no one ever claimed to aspire to the highest standards of ethical conduct. There would be no shame either, which is an important societal constraint on unethical behavior.

No one accused Hugh Hefner of Playboy magazine of hypocrisy when he moved out of the Playboy mansion so as to bring up his two young sons in a more wholesome environment.

In his opening address this year, Premier Mbhazima Shilowa said, “All of us as leaders, civil servants, legislators and all of our people, have a moral and ethical obligation to uphold the highest possible standards of honesty and integrity”.

The DA will hold him to this statement, which is better than the response by Finance MEC Paul Mashatile who said, “The people who elected us will tell us if we have indeed departed from what they have elected us to do. So we do not want to continue to hear lectures about accountability, about inefficiency.”

Mashatile’s arrogance derives from a ruling party that believes that its overwhelming election victory justifies all that it does as the will of the people, who will continue to support them regardless of any lapses.

Politics is always a tussle between the ideal and what is possible, both ethically and practically. We must continue to aspire to the highest virtues, and be prepared to affirm them even when we fail.

Hopefully the day comes when the mask of hypocrisy is no longer necessary as leaders genuinely believe and practice what they preach.

Pretoria Disaster Management Disastrous

Persverklaring: Raadslid Clive Napier 11 April 2008
Media Release: Councillor Clive Napier 11 April 2008

The Democratic Alliance (DA) has released an earnest warning that Pretoria is not geared to react in the event should a disaster struck the city tomorrow.
Although the National Disaster Management Framework for the entire country was gazetted in April 2005 already, the Tshwane municipality only has a Municipal Disaster Risk Management Framework in place.
This is only a policy document aimed to ‘ensure an integrated, co-ordinated and uniform approach to disaster risk management in the municipality.’
The next phase that needs to be introduced is a public participation process. When will this commence one may ask, and how long will it take before decisions are taken on who is expected to do what with what means, in which manner to ensure speedy and effective reaction to disastrous events
Councillor (DA) Clive Napier said:” This is a disaster itself. The Tshwane Metro Council clearly doesn’t grasp the gravity of the situation.”
Napier added:” A disaster can strike any suburb at any given time with disastrous consequences.”
Pretoria is a high density city with complex infrastructure features with among other a matrix of road networks carrying heavy traffic with ample incident possibilities. In addition one must bear in mind the air traffic in the sky which constantly poses the possibility of an aircraft plunging to the ground. Over the elements of nature nobody has control and water, fire, wind can instantaneously become man’s worse nightmare.
The DA is calling on the Metro Council to face its responsibility with regard to Disaster Management before it is to late. Prevention is always better than cure.
If proper structures, capable of attending to disasters rapidly, is not put in place soon, the City Council will be culpable if human loss and damage is resulted by a disaster in which ever form.
The DA demands action on this issue and is calling on the ANC lead Council to stop tempting fate.

Councillor Clive Napier (082 827 5578)

Smelly and Sinister

Agriculture, Environment and Conservation MEC Khabisi Mosunkutu called a press conference last week to contest the DA's “groundless and slanderous statements alleging 'suspicious interventions' and fragrant disregard of laws”. Fragrant? More like very smelly indeed, and sinister too, starting with the ejection of two DA MPLs at the press conference that was conducted like a Zanu-PF meeting. The MEC threatened court action against “libelous public statements”, warning that if the complainants lost, “the possibility is that I might take your house. I will also help you that you look for an alternative for your kids in some orphanage, because that’s the responsibility that I have. But I might just take your house, or your car, if you don’t have sufficient resources. So I hope you have enough."
_________________________________________________

Stink en Sinister

Die LUR van Landbou, Bewaring en Omgewingsake, Khabisi Mosunkutu, het laasweek ‘n perskonferensie gehou om die DA se aantuigings aan te spreek, of in sy eie woorde, die DA se “groundless and slanderous statements alleging 'suspicious interventions' and fragrant disregard of laws”. “Fragrant”? Eerder stink, en sinister ook, met twee DA LPW’s wat uit die staanspoor uitgejaag is uit die perskonferensie wat meer soos ‘n Zanu-PF vergadering gelyk het. Die LUR het gedreig met regsstappe teen sogenaamde “lasterlike publike uitsprake”, en gewaarsku dat as hulle verloor, “the possibility is that I might take your house. I will also help you that you look for an alternative for your kids in some orphanage, because that’s the responsibility that I have. But I might just take your house, or your car, if you don’t have sufficient resources. So I hope you have enough."

Sal Mugabe Steeds Toegejuig Word?

GROEIENDE GETY
Nr. 12/08
‘n Weeklikse e-pos brief deur Jack Bloom, DA Leier in die Gauteng Provinsiale Wetgewer
7 April 2008

Toe Zimbabwe se President, Robert Mugabe, die tweede inhuldiging van President Thabo Mbeki bygewoon het in April 2004, is hy staande toegejuig.

Dit verduidelik waarom Mbeki so lank vir Mugabe vertroetel het – hy geniet sterk plaaslike steun, veral onder belangrike ANC besluitnemers.

Dit kan nouliks buitelandse beleid genoem word, aangesien dit so ‘n groot binnelandse impak het met die hordes immigrante wat vanaf Zimbabwe se rampspoedige ekonomie gevlug het.

Die Centre for Development and Enterprise (CDE) het onlangs beweer dat die sogenaamde 3 miljoen Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika waarskynlik nader is aan 800 000 tot 1 miljoen.

Dit is steeds aansienlik baie, en ‘n groot gedeelte van hulle is in Gauteng. Heelwat bly in Johannesburg se middestad, en ek het al heelwat Zimbabwiërs wat hulp kom soek ontvang in my kantoor by die Wetgewer.

Meeste het beweer om verbind te wees aan die MDC-opposisie, en hulle het tragiese verhale vertel. Een aktivis het gepraat oor die marteling wat gemaak het dat hy nie meer kinders kan hê nie. Hy wou ‘n gewapende stryd begin, en dit het my getref dat ANC-uitgewekenes soortgelyke stories moes gehad het, maar nou hulself doof hou vir hul bure se nood.

Al my besoekers het vir Mbeki verpes omdat hy kop in een mus met Mugabe was. Daar is al baie gepraat oor die onderworpenheid van Zimbabwiërs wat nie opstaan en baklei teen die onderdrukking nie. Ek dink hierdie houding onderskat hoe ontmoedigend Mbeki se ondersteuning vir Mugabe vir hulle moet wees. Swart Suid-Afrikaners was immers onderskraag deur steun uit die res van Afrika en talle oorsese veldtogte gedurende hulle stryd.

So onlangs soos Maart laasjaar het Mugabe die grootste toejuiging ontvang by Ghana se viering van 50 jaar van onafhanklikheid.

Dis nogal treffend om te sien hoeveel van dieselfde argumente Zanu-PF as die ANC gebruik om hulle regering te regverdig, ten spyte van al die korrupsie en onbekwaamheid. Die DA word byvoorbeeld gereeld vertel dat ons slegs in parlement sit omdat die ANC die land bevry het.

Die ANC deel met Mugabe die oortuiging dat ‘n bevrydingsbeweging geregverdig is om nimmereindigend aan bewind te bly, soos Jacob Zuma wat opgemerk het dat die ANC sal regeer “totdat Jesus terugkeer”.

Daar is seker ANC-lede wat jaloers is dat Mugabe baie van die dinge gedoen het wat hulle graag sou wou, soos plase oorneem, maar hulle word beperk deur die Grondwet en ekonomiese realiteite.

Daar is ook ander ooreenkomste, soos die vervaging tussen party en staat, en die voordele wat sekeres met politieke bande ontvang in die naam van transformasie.

John Kane-Berman van die SA Institute for Race Relations het gewaarsku dat die post-Polokwane ANC poog om besluitneming te sentraliseer na ‘n politburo van die 87 lede van die Nasionale Uitvoerdende Komitee, wat die Grondwet sal ondermyn en parlement behandel soos ‘n rubberstempel.

Daar is gelukkig teenstrydige faktore in Suid-Afrika, soos selfstandig-denkende lede van die ANC en ‘n sterk burgerlike samelewing.

Ons leer ook belangrike lesse van Zimbabwe aangaande die rampspoedige gevolge van ‘n een-party regering, populistiese prysbeheer en roekelose druk van geld. Sal Mugabe steeds toegejuig word as hy ‘n geleentheid in Suid-Afrika bywoon?

Ek vermoed dat die ANC Mugabe staande gehou het omdat hulle vrees dat die mense hier iets sal leer deur te sien hoe ‘n bevrydingsbeweging omver gewerp word.

Die sielkundige effek kan enorm wees as kiesers eers besef dat hulle die ANC kan straf vir fiasko’s soos Eskom se kragonderbrekings, deur bloot te stem vir ‘n ander party.

Dit sal ‘n deurslaggewende ontwikkeling in ons demokrasie wees, en die identiteit-gebaseerde politiek transformeer na ‘n werklike kragmeting, waar dit beleid en werkverrigting is wat saak maak.

Will They Still Cheer Mugabe?

Rising Tide

A weekly e-mail letter by Jack Bloom, DA Leader in the Gauteng Provincial Legislature
7 April 2008

When Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe attended the second inauguration of President Thabo Mbeki in April 2004 he got cheers and a standing ovation.
This explains why Mbeki has coddled Mugabe for so long, as there is a strong domestic constituency for him, especially amongst key ANC decision-makers.

It can barely be called a foreign policy issue as it has such a high local impact with the many Zimbabwe immigrants who have fled the economic disaster in their home country.

The Centre for Development and Enterprise (CDE) has recently queried the oft-cited figure of 3 million Zimbabweans in South Africa, contending that it is more likely between 800 000 and 1 million.

This is still very sizeable, a large proportion of which is in Gauteng. Many live in Johannesburg’s inner city, and I have often received Zimbabweans in my legislature office asking for assistance.

Most claimed to be linked to the MDC opposition and told very sad stories. One activist spoke of torture that left him unable to have children. He wanted to go the armed struggle route, and it struck me that ANC exiles must have told similar stories and made similar appeals, but are now deaf to the Zimbabwean plight.

All my visitors detested Mbeki for collaborating with Mugabe. Much has been said about the “docility” of Zimbabweans in not fighting against an oppressive regime, but I think this underestimates how demoralizing Mbeki’s perceived support for Mugabe has been for them. Black South Africans, after all, were emboldened by support from the rest of Africa and by overseas campaigns on their behalf.

As recently as March last year, Mugabe received the biggest cheer at Ghana’s celebration of 50 years of independence.

It is quite striking to note how Zanu-PF uses many of the same arguments that the ANC uses here to justify their rule despite corruption and incompetence. For instance, the DA is constantly lectured that we only sit in parliament and other elected bodies because the ANC liberated the country.

The ANC shares with Mugabe the belief that a liberation movement has the legitimacy to rule in perpetuity, as in Jacob Zuma’s comment that the ANC will rule “until Jesus comes back”.

ANC members are probably envious that Mugabe has done many of the things they would like to do, such as mass expropriations of farms, but are restrained by the constitution and by economic reality.

There are other similarities, such as the blurring of party and state, and benefits conferred on the politically connected in the name of transformation.

John Kane-Berman of the SA Institute of Race Relations has warned of moves by the post-Polokwane ANC to subvert our constitution by centralising decisions in a Soviet-style politburo comprised of its 87-member National Executive Committee that will treat parliament as a rubber-stamp.

There are fortunately countervailing factors in South Africa, including independent-minded people in the ANC and a strong civil society.

We are also learning important lessons from Zimbabwe about the disastrous consequences of entrenched one-party rule, populist price controls and reckless printing of money. Would Mugabe still be cheered if he visited an event in South Africa?

I suspect that the ANC has propped up Mugabe because it fears that people here will learn something from the sight of a liberation movement being toppled.

The psychological effect could be huge as voters realize that they can punish the ANC for fiascos like the Eskom power failure by voting for another party.

This would be a crucial development in our democracy, transforming our largely identity-based politics into a real contest where policies and performance matter.

Waterkloof Traffic Headache due to Lack of Policing

PRESS RELEASE: CLR DOULIEN VAN DER MERWE SNYMAN. 9 APRIL 2008

The residents of Albert street in Watekloof is held ransom by an unprecedented volume of traffic due to the City Councils’ inability to apply by-laws governing the use of roads in residential areas. The present situation was further caused by the Council’s lack of applying basic logic and refusal to follow a transparent public participation process with the aim to serve the interest of tax and rates payers in the said community.

At present there is a daily convoy of trucks travelling through Waterkloof, Hazelwood, Ashlea Gardens and Alphen Park. It is reported that up to a thousand (1000) heavy duty trucks are making use of Albert and adjacent streets conveying building material and especially soil to two building sites in the vicinity.

The residents are complaining of unbearable traffic congestion that is caused by this sudden increase of heavy duty vehicles. This is not where the problem ends. Already it is reported that extra potholes were caused by this clear misuse of residential roads. Who, one may ask, will boot the bill when these potholes are to be fixed?

The DA is happy to report that some of the potholes are to be filled after calls were made in this regard by the DA councillor, Doulien van der Merwe Snyman.

The Democratic Alliance (DA) councillor for Ward 42, Doulien van der Merwe Snyman, is calling upon the City Council to account for this sorry state of affairs causing infrastructure problems and inconvenience to the residents of this area who just happen to be loyal tax and rates payers of the Tshwane Metropolitan City.

“The City Council simply ignored me as the ward councillor for this area when they wheeled and dealed with the developers who are now causing havoc in this suburb.” said Clr Doulien van der Merwe Snyman. She added that the City Council’s reluctance to be considerate to resident’s interests, is symptomatic of a Council completely out of touch with the needs of the community.

While the DA is supportive of developments such as the Garsfontein/N1 intersection and the Riverwalk development in Alphen Park, the views and interests of the residents in Ward 42 must at all times be considered.

The DA demands a meeting with all the stakeholders including the developers, City Council and residents to discuss alternative options with the aim of agreeing upon a route plan that will balance the needs of everyone concerned.
Clr Doulien van der Merwe Snyman ( 079 499 8392)

Die Moot Marsjeer vir Wandellaan - 12 April!

Die Demokratiese Alliansie (DA) nooi u uit na ‘n Bewusmakingstaptog in die Moot op Saterdag 12 April 2008.

Die staptog wat op Saterdag 12 April om 08:00 die oggend gehou sal word, word gelei deur die bekende aktrise Elzette Maarschalk van Binnelanders-faam.

Die staptog beoog om die proses te begin om ‘n toerisme-en ontspanningsnodus in die Moot te vestig. Die eerste doelwit is om Breyerlaan in Waverley in ‘n wandellaan te omskep.

Hierdie wandellaan sal die historiese erfenis van onder andere die Magaliesberg vier en weergee. Terselfdetyd sal die wandellaan deur besoekers gebruik kan word vir allerlei onstpanningsaktiwiteite in ‘n veilige en prentjiemooi omgewing.

Navrae: Adriana Randall (083 263 8667)

How Do I Calculate My New Property Rate Tax?

There is quite a lot of anxiety about the new property rates taxes that will come into effect on 1 July 2008. However, before you panic we provide you with the formula that the Tshwane Council will use to determine your new monthly property rate tax. Here is what you should do to calculate your property tax.

First, go to http://www.tshwane.gov.za/ to see what your new property valuation is.
Secondly, apply the following formula to calculate your new tax rate.

Your property value - R50 000 X 0,9% - 35% ÷ 12 months = monthly rate

Example for a property valued at R 1 million

(1000 000 - 50 000) X 0,9% - 35% ÷ 12 = R463,13 per month

We hope that you find this information useful and that it provides certainty about your new property tax rate.

Tshwane Raad Mors Geld op Voertuighuur

Persverklaring: Raadslid Adriana Randall. 8 April 2008

Die Demokratiese Alliansie (DA) het die Tshwane Stadsraad se yslike voertuig huurrekening gekap.

Die geskatte totale koste vir die huur van voertuie vir die periode Augustus 2007 tot Januarie 2008 is ‘n verbysterende R 8 509 362-36, waarvan 91 voertuie toegeken is aan die Landbou en Omgewingsbestuurs departement en 50 vir die Elektrisiteits departement. Die Metro-Polisie departement het slegs 9 voertuie ingevolge hierdie kontrak verkry.

Dit is omdat die Raad nie in staat is om voertuie betyds te bekom voordat langtermynkontrakte verstryk nie. “Dit is duidelik dat die stadsraad se voertuig vlootbestuur en verskrygingseksies nie in staat is om te beplan wanneer hulle weet voertuie moet vervang word nie. Dit blyk die gevolg te wees van onbevoegdheid en ‘n gebrek aan verantwoorbaarheid by die betrokke seksies.” het Raadslid Adriana Randall van die DA gesê.

Die DA bevraagteken dit ernstig of hierdie geld sinvol spandeer is. “ Dit kan eenvoudig nie ‘n koste effektiewe wyse wees om die voertuigvloot van die stadsraad te bestuur nie.” het Randall gesê. Sy het bygevoeg dat hierdie tipe buitensporige uitgawes laat dit voorkom asof die stadsraad hoegenaamd geen tekorte het wat fondse betref nie. “Ons weet almal beter, die raad kan nie sulke huurkontrakte bekostig nie.”

Die DA wil weet watter plan die Raad in plek het om die voertuigvloot behoeftes aan te spreek. Deur die voertuie te huur teen gemelde bedrae kan die stadsraad die voertuie wat benodg word aankoop binne ‘n jaar of twee en miljoene rande in die toekoms spaar.

Die African National Congress (ANC) geleide Raad is die belastingbetalers van Pretoria ‘n verduideliking verskuldig. Inaggenome die infrastruktuur behoeftes van die stad veroordeel die DA sulke spandabelrigheid en maak ‘n beroep op die Raad om sy plan asook ‘n tydtafel vir hoe ‘n koste effektiewe voertuigvloot in stand gehou kan word in die volgende finansiële jaar, bekend te maak.

Daar is ‘n algemene hulpkreet vir beter dienslewering onder al die gemeenskappe van die Tshwane Metropolitaanse stad. Die DA sal aanhou om sulke nie-rassionele finansiële uitgawes te ontbloot. Gesonde finansiële bestuur word vereis vir ‘n goed funksionerende stad. Die DA sal volhard om daarop aan te dring

Die DA beplan om die burgemeester te vra oor die prestasie bonus strukture vir die twee betrokke departemente. “ Die prestasie kontrakte van die bestuurders van daardie departemente moet sekerlik gekoppel wees aan die kern besigheid, naamlik om die voertuigvloot effektief te bestuur en die verkryging van die mees koste effektiewe opsie vir die stadsraad. Ons wil van die burgemeester weet of dit inderdaad so is en of die bestuurders ter sprake gepenaliseer sal word omrede sulke vermorste uitgawes vir die stadsraad aangegaan is.” het Randall gesê.

Raadslid Adriana Randall (083 263 8667)

Tshwane Council Wasting Money on Vehicle Rentals

Press release: Councillor Adriana Randall. 8 April 2008
Persverklaring: Raadslid Adriana Randall. 8 April 2008


The Democratic Alliance (DA) has slammed the Tshwane City Council’s hefty vehicle rental account.

The approximate total cost for vehicle rentals for the period August 2007 until January 2008 is a staggering R 8 509 362-36, of which 91 vehicles were allocated to the Agriculture and Environmental Management department, and 50 to the Electricity department. The Metro Police Department only received 9 vehicles under this vehicle contract.

This is due to the fact that the Council is unable to procure vehicles in time to replace those of which the leases run out. “It is clear that the City Council’s fleet management and procurement sections are unable to plan in advance when they know when vehicles have to be replaced. This seems to be a result of incompetence and a lack of accountability among the respective sections” said Councillor Adriana Randall from the DA.

The DA seriously questions whether this is money wisely spent. “This can simply not be a cost effective way to manage the vehicle fleet of the City Council.” said Randall. She added that this type of extravagant expenditures makes it appear as if the City Council has absolutely no shortage of funds whatsoever. “We all know better, the Council cannot afford these rentals.”

The Democratic Alliance would like to know what plan the Council has in place to address its vehicle fleet needs. By renting vehicles at these costs the Council can buy the needed vehicles within a year or two to save millions in future.

The African National Congress (ANC) lead Council owes the tax and rates payers of Pretoria an answer. Considering the infrastructure needs of the city the DA condemns this type of extravagant spending and calls upon Council to release it’s plan together with a clear timeframe as to how a cost effective vehicle fleet is to be maintained in the next financial year.

There is a general outcry for better service delivery by all the communities of the Tshwane Metropolitan City . The DA will continue to expose such non-rational financial expenditures. Sound financial management is required for a well functioning city. The DA will persist in demanding it from the City Council.

The DA intends to question the mayor about the performance bonus structures for the two departments in question. “Surely the performance contracts of the managers in these departments should be linked to their core business of managing the fleet effectively and procuring the most cost effective options for the City Council. We want to know from the mayor whether this is indeed so and whether the managers in question will be penalized for causing such wasteful expenditure for the City Council” said Randall.

Councillor Adriana Randall (083 263 8667)

DA Objects to Irregular Council Meetings

Persverklaring: Raadslid Peter Millar. 1 April 2008

Press release: Councillor Peter Millar. 1 April 2008

The Democratic Alliance (DA) seriously questions and objects to the African National Congress’s (ANC’s) stance that the Tshwane Metro Council meet only every second month. By contrast, the Metro Councils of other cities such as Cape Town, Durban, Bloemfontein and Johannesburg understand the logic of meeting once a month.

Being the capital city of South Africa with vast infrastructure, socio-economic and political challenges, the arrangement of meeting only every second month makes no sense. In fact, this arrangement is not conducive to transparent and accountable government in any way what so ever.

A motion was submitted by DA councillor Peter Millar at the Council meeting held on 27 March 2008 calling for council meetings at least once a month.

In the motion that was tabled by Councillor Peter Millar the following was pointed out:
“By meeting every two months there is a delay in making important decisions and retarding development. There is a delay in dealing with and responding to motions, questions, and petitions, thus resulting in a lack of accountability and openness to ordinary citizens, the media, ward committees and other structures in society.”

The ANC was reluctant to accept the motion and referred it instead to the Council’s programming committee for review.

This is not the first time such an appeal was made to the ANC and one wonders how long the ANC will drag their feet on the issue. By meeting only every second month, democracy is not served.

The DA does not accept this tendency to side step the meganisms that were put in place to promote democracy. The DA will continue calling on the ANC to revisit this arrangement. Hopefully, not to many months will slip away before logic replaces selfish political rhetoric.


Councillor Peter Millar
082 574 4103

Tshwane Beeld Artikel oor Eiendomsbelasting - Regstelling

Persverklaring: Raadslid Natasha Michael, Hoofsweep DA Tshwane Koukus. 2 April 2008

Die Demokratiese Alliansie (DA) in die Tshwane Metro Raad het met teleurstelling gereageer op die artikel wat in die Tshwane Beeld van 2 April 2008 verskyn het.
Rdl Natasha Michael, hoofsweep in die raad het gesê dat die artikel nie die bedoeling van die beleid aandui nie. Ook is die standpunte van die DA in hierdie verband nie korrek aangedui nie. Michael het verwys na die stelling wat gemaak word dat ‘n interne omsendskrywe deur die koukus leier, Fred Nel, uitgestuur is waarin aangedui word dat tariewe in sekere gevalle met 600% kan styg.
“ Rdl Nel het ‘n interne memo uitgestuur waarin hy bloot verskeie scenarios uitwys wat deur ons as raadslede ondersoek moes word. Hierdie scenario’s is ondersoek om te verseker dat ons te alle tye in die beste belang van ons kiesers optree. Uiteindelik, toe ons ‘n finale kopie van die beleid ontvang het, was ons aangenaam verras om te sien dat nie een van die moontlike slegte scenario’s gerealiseer het nie, en dat dit ‘n regverdige en aanvaarbare beleid was.” het Michael gesê.
“Die Vryheids Front + (VF+) is weereens besig om die publiek te mislei deur op onnodige en onprofessionele wyse te probeer om kiesers bang te maak deur halwe waarhede aan hulle te bied. Interessant is om kennis te neem dat die VF+ slegs een setel het op die Finansies portefeulje komitee. Dit is ook interessant dat die VF+ lid, dit is Rdl Cornelius Janse Van Rensburg, van die laaste sewe vergaderings slegs drie vergaderings bygewoon het. Hy was nie by die vergaderings van 11 Maart 2008, 6 Maart 2008, 11 Januarie 2008 of die vergadering van 25 Oktober 2007 nie. Eerlikwaar, hoe kan mens verwag dat hy sal weet wat aangaan rakende die beleid as hy vergaderings wat die beleid bespreek, misloop!
Ons het ons eie bekommernisse gehad oor die beleid, maar na deeglike berekening en oorweging was ons tevrede dat die beleid regverdig was.
Wat verstaan moet word is dat in gevalle waar waardasies aansienlik onder markwaarde was, sulke tariewe natuurlik sal verhoog. Hierdie toedrag van sake is net logies, maar selfs in sulke gevalle is dit nie naastenby so drasties as wat die VF+ voorgee nie.
Sovêr dit die DA betref is die beleid regverdig en ons is gelukkig daarmee. Ons leef in ‘n mark gedrewe ekonomie, en dit is daarom verstaanbaar dat tariewe in die meer eksklusiewe woonbuurte hoër sal wees as tariewe in minder eksklusiewe woonbuurte want die erwe is meer werd.
Hierdie is nie net ‘n Suid-Afrikaanse verskynsel nie, dit gebeur regoor die wêreld.” het Michael verduidelik.


Raadslid Natasha Michael
Hoofsweep DA Tshwane Koukus
083 282 0668

The FF+ is Misleading Pretoria Residents

The Freedom Front, by way of a press statements issued on Friday 28 March and Monday 31 March, alleges that the Democratic Alliance supports ANC policy in the Tshwane Council that will bring low cost housing to parks in our wards. The FF is misleading residents on purpose. Here are the facts.

- The DA did not support such a policy as can be seen from the minutes of the Tshwane Council on 2 August 2007. The DA voted against this policy.
- This policy does not propose the use of park or recreational spaces for any form of housing at all.

“The DA is very disappointed with the FF’s tactic to use lies to further its own cause. It will benefit everybody if the FF followed the DA’s example in fighting the abuse of power by the ANC rather than dividing the opposition. The DA’s use of questions and motions constructively promotes the interests of residents in the Council while the FF uses cheap politics for its own benefit!” said Fred Nel leader of the DA in the Tshwane Council.

According to Nel the DA is considering legal action against the FF for its false statement and called on the FF to further its own cause in an honest manner. “We will be writing to them today demanding an apology and a withdrawal of their statement which is clearly without any substance. We are also concerned that it has become so easy for them to have their misleading statements published in the media as fact.”
The DA expressed the wish that this would now clear this matter and put it to rest.

Property Rates - Check the Value of Your Property!

The Tshwane Municipality has published its estimated property values for all properties in the municipality for inspection.
The new property rates system levies your monthly property rates on the market value of your full property (i.e. stand and improvements).
Make sure the valuation of your property is accurate by inspecting the draft valuation roll to make sure you don’t pay too much property tax from 1 July 2008.

If you want to lodge an objection to your property valuation please remember:
- No objection will be considered unless it is lodged on the prescribed form and submitted on/ before 30 April 2008.
- Only original forms will be considered.
- Lodging an objection will not defer liability for the payment of your rates.

Also note that all properties are valued on market value and if your valuation is correct or less than market value it would serve no purpose to lodge an objection to the value of your property.

Click on the brochure posted here for more information on how and where you can check your property's municipal valuation.