DA FEDERAL CONGRESS CAPE TOWN 2010

By Cllr. Francois Bekker
Public representatives and branch members from Pretoria attended the DA Federal Congress held in Cape Town on 24 and 25 July. It is exciting to see how the DA gears itself to becoming the leading political party promoting a genuine constitutional democracy with core values such as the rule of law. The DA firmly believes that only an Open Opportunity society will enhance the quality of life of all South Africans.
An ID/DA marriage seems imminent considering the warm reception ID leader Patricia de Lille had when she addressed the Congress. This proves the DA's commitment to realign the party political landscape of South Africa to stop the power abuse by the ANC.
Helen Zille was re-elected as Leader of the DA unopposed. Dr. Wilmot James was elected as the new Federal chairperson. The three deputy chairpersons are Anchen Dreyer (MP Gauteng), Dianne Kohler Barnard (MP KwaZulu-Natal) and Dr. Ivan Meyer ( Western Cape minister).

ANOTHER POLITICAL APPOINTMENT FEARED

Issued by Cllr. Karen Meyer

The DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE cannot understand why the ANC in the Tshwane Metro Council insists on constantly ignoring all rules and regulations.
The fact that Robert McBride is on a short list and one of five possible appointments as Strategic Executive Director of Community Safety, is to say the least, a scary thought!
The DA is of the firm view that lawbreakers cannot be law enforcers. The fact that this unacceptable practice includes a possible senior position is direct evidence of the corrupt processes and attitudes of the ruling administration in the Tshwane Metro Council.
How someone such as McBride could even be on a short list for such an important position shows us that the ANC has the full intention of ensuring another political appointment.
The South African Police Service (SAPS) Act, Act 68 of 1995, Section 64D clearly stipulates that “a Municipal Council may appoint only the FIRST Chief of Police as a “fit and proper person”. Thereafter, in terms of Section 64C, the Chief must be a member of the Municipal Police.
Therefore, only the first appointment may be a political appointment! Thereafter, the Chief must have completed a Traffic Diploma and a Municipal Police Diploma. These requirements can only be waived by the National Commissioner and only with regard to the first appointment. No waiving of the rule can now be considered, as the relevant legislation does not allow this to happen at all!
The question is: “Did McBride obtain these qualifications?”
Regulation 11 of the act further states that with regard to the requirements for appointment that “such a person has no previous criminal convictions”. It is a known fact that Robert McBride has charges of drunken driving and obstruction of justice charges against him. What happens if the Council appoints him and he is found guilty in a month or two? Will he receive a “golden handshake” as has become the norm in this Council to get rid of all previous appointments?
It is quite worrying that of all persons who applied, McBride be deemed one of the chosen few. The DA would like to see the CV’s of everyone who applied, as our sources inform us that at least three of the five do not qualify! Was this done on purpose so that McBride will stand out and be the chosen one?
Information available to us also indicates that candidates with the necessary experience, qualifications and expertise, as well as excellent background checks, were not even considered.
The fact that the two unions of Council, IMATU and SAMWU, were not invited to the interviews, is another grave concern. According to the Council’s staffing and recruitment policy, a collective agreement states that they must form part of the process to ensure transparency. So much for transparency!!
We, as residents of Pretoria, cannot afford to be saddled with incompetent and incapable Metro Police Officers that we cannot trust. Responsible action of the ANC-governed Council should be to assess the whole evaluation process.
The DA therefore intends to introduce an urgent motion in this regard at the next Council meeting.

LIGHTS OUT FOR TSHWANE

Issued by Cllr. Gert Pretorius

According to Alderman Gert Pretorius, Leader of the DA Caucus in the Tshwane Metro, “The Tshwane Metro is sitting on a time bomb ready to explode, the municipal area's lights will go of if drastic action is not taken soon. “
According to a presentation made to the portfolio committee: Public works and infrastructure development, the city is in a predicament. Most of the infrastructure is far beyond the replacement date and there are no funds to replace critical components. The replacement value of the city's electricity infrastructure totals more than R 15 Billion. Pretorius said that the electricity department needed R750 million annually to ensure that the city's power keeps on flowing, but only received R303 million, thus a short fall of R447 million! The effects here are too terrible to comprehend".
Economic development and continuous electricity supply goes hand in hand. In Pretoria North and Akasia, many developments are being rejected because there is not sufficient power supply. If the lack in maintenance is added to the equation, the situation of the city’s future is dire.
To make matters worse, the ANC government of the city uses the profits emanating from the sale of electricity to fund the general budget. In well run cities all over the world, 5% of the value of infrastructure is spent on maintenance and preventative maintenance. If one looks at the spending patterns in the Tshwane Metro over the past years, it is clear that a sharp decline in maintenance occurred since the ANC came to power. The situation is not sustainable; the city's ability to supply electricity will collapse if we continue on this trend. To eliminate the Maintenance backlog, almost a third of the capital budget is needed. This situation is an indication of very poor political management.
This would never happen in a DA controlled City.

STEEP INCREASE IN BUS FARE TARIFFS

Steep increase in bus fare tariffs is insensitive and counter-productive

The sudden hike in bus fare tariffs introduced by the Tshwane Metro today came as a shock to commuters who rely on public transport in our city. “Lacking any hint of decency or sensitivity to at least inform these commuters beforehand just shows how the ANC led Tshwane Metro lost touch with the people on grass roots level.” said Councillor Justus de Goede. “Even I as a member of the Portfolio for Transport and Roads only learnt about the increase via the media today.” he added.
The DA seriously questions the administrative correctness of the process that resulted in the tariff increase. “Clearly, the way in which this matter is handled by the Metro can only be described as thoughtless and ill-judged” de Goede said. “It is shocking how the lack of leadership by the Tshwane mayor affects effective, reliable and affordable service delivery to the tax and rate payers of our city across the board.” de Goede added.
The increases are considerable and will surely put pressure on people who already struggle to make ends meet. “This is not how you stimulate economic growth by continuously putting hazards in the way of people who struggle to remain economically active.” De Goede said.
“Another concern is the negative impact this tariff increase will have on pensioners and disabled persons who in many cases might find it impossible to come by with the steep tariffs implemented today” said Councillor Francois Bekker, DA member of the Public Transport and Roads Portfolio. “A vision impaired gentleman working for a very small state salary told us today that this steep tariff increase will impede his ability to travel to his workplace.”
The DA criticised the steep increase as being insensitive and counter-productive and appealed to the Tshwane Metro to consider the needs and circumstances of the people of our city with more empathy.

Cllr Justus de Goede
DA Spokesperson: Public Transport and Roads Portfolio
(083 733 2557)

Cllr Francois Bekker
DA member: Public Transport and Roads Portfolio
(073 0876 999)

In total 9 candidates from Gauteng North were elected to the Gauteng Provincial Legislature and the National Assembly; four more than in 2004!
Three of these, Fred Nel, Natasha Michael and Stevens Mokgalapa are from the DA Tshwane Pretoria Caucus while Les Labuschagne, Rika Kruger and Manie van Dyk are re-elected. Les (former National Assembly MP) and Rika to the Gauteng Legislature and Manie to the National Assembly.
New MP's include Sej Motau, Junita Kloppers-Lourens and Kenneth Mubu.
We wish our colleagues all the best - now for the 2011 Local Government Elections!!!

Hoekom Jy Vir die DA Moet Stem

Vanuit SA Vandag 17 April 2009

Gaan stem op Woensdag 22 April!

Elke enkele geregistreerde kieser wat die DA steun, moet op Woensdag in die verkiesing gaan stem. Elke stem is kritiek: dit kan die stem wees wat die skaal swaai. Die wiskunde is eenvoudig: hoe meer DA-kiesers in verhouding tot ANC-kiesers gaan stem, hoe beter is die kans dat ons sal sorg dat Jacob Zuma nie die meerderheid van twee derdes kry wat hy nodig het om die Grondwet te wysig nie.

Die opkoms van kiesers maak 'n geweldige verskil aan die verkiesingsuitslag in ons stelsel van proporsionele verteenwoordiging. Een politieke ontleder gebruik die analogie van 'n verjaardagpartytjie om die gevolge van opkomssyfers te verduidelik. Op jou verjaardag koop jy 'n koek en nooi tien mense na jou partytjie. As almal kom, kry elkeen een tiende van die koek. As net vyf kom, kry elkeen een vyfde. Dit beteken elkeen van die vyf vriende wat vir die partytjie opgedaag het, kry 'n stuk koek wat dubbel so groot is as wat hulle sou gekry het, net omdat die ander vyf weggebly het. Net so maak al die kiesers wat in 'n verkiesing stem, 100% van die verteenwoordigende getal uit, wat dan in verhouding onder die partye verdeel word. As meer DA-kiesers as ANC-kiesers wegbly, beteken dit dat die ANC-stem in verhouding groter word, en omgekeer.

In vorige verkiesings het die opkomsverhouding die ANC bevoordeel. Dit beteken dat meer ANC-kiesers as opposisiekiesers gaan stem het. Dit het hul getalle in verhouding opgestoot.

Die opkoms gaan op Woensdag deurslaggewend wees. Ons eie interne navorsing toon dat as elke DA-kieser gaan stem, en as meer DA-kiesers in verhouding tot ANC-kiesers opdaag, sal ons die ANC landswyd 'n meerderheid van twee derdes ontsê, en kan ons die ANC selfs tot minder as 60% beperk. In provinsies soos Gauteng en die Noord-Kaap, waar die ANC se greep op die mag die minste is, kan ons genoeg stemme kry om koalisieregerings te skep. As elke DA-kieser in die Wes-Kaap opdaag, kan ons die provinsie met 'n volstrekte meerderheid wen.

Die ANC is magshonger. Hy wil selfs meer as 'n tweederde-meerderheid hê. Op Woensdag het Julius Malema, die verspotte president van die ANC se Jeugliga, in een van sy tipiese fascistiese uitbarstings by die Universiteit van Kaapstad studente aangesê om die ANC "met 'n meerderheid van drie derdes" weer aan bewind te plaas. Hy het bloot nageaap wat Gwede Mantashe, die ANC se sekretaris-generaal, vroeër in die verkiesingsveldtog gesê het. Sy woorde was: "Ons wil nie 'n tweederde-meerderheid hê nie, ons wil in elke provinsie, met inbegrip van die Wes-Kaap, 'n driederde-meerderheid hê."

Malema glo Zuma is "onstuitbaar". Hy het Zuma 'n "biologiese tsoenami" genoem. Dis onsin. As elke DA-ondersteuner op 22 April gaan stem, kan ons verhoed dat die "biologiese tsoenami" verwoesting in Suid-Afrika saai.

Dit staan vas: as die ANC 'n meerderheid van twee derdes kry, met Zuma as President, gaan daar ernstige gevolge wees. Mnr. Zuma het geen begrip van konstitusionalisme nie, al is dit die rots waarop ons demokrasie gebou is. Hy het al dikwels gesê die ANC is belangriker as die Grondwet, dat opposisiepartye geen outomatiese bestaansreg het nie, en dat die magte van die Konstitusionele Hof hersien moet word omdat die regters "nie God" is nie. Zuma is die soort leier wat 'n regering op die pad na baantjies vir boeties, korrupsie en kriminalisering plaas - die pad wat uiteindelik in 'n mislukte staat uitloop. Ons het reeds die bewyse hiervan gesien.

Tot dusver het die heerserskliek in die ANC die Skerpioene ontbind, Vusi Pikoli, die vorige nasionale Direkteur van Openbare Vervolgings (NDOV), ontslaan, die vroegtydige vrylating van Zuma se weldoener, Schabir Shaik, uit die tronk bewimpel, en druk op Mokotedi Mpshe, die waarnemende NDOV, geplaas om aanklagte teen Zuma te laat vaar. Al dié stappe is gedoen om Zuma en sy kliek te beskerm.

Dit is dus duidelik dat niks Zuma sal stuit om die Grondwet en die oppergesag van die reg te ondermyn om homself en sy kliek te verryk en hulle teen vervolging te beskerm nie.

Gister het die Kabinet aangekondig dat hy die konsep van 'n Wysigingswet op die 17de Wysiging van die Grondwet goedgekeur het. Dit sal die nasionale regering in staat stel om plaaslike regerings se magte oor te neem. Dié Wetsontwerp sal nou na die Parlement toe gaan, en as die ANC op 22 April 'n meerderheid van twee derdes kry, sal hy die Wetsontwerp in die Parlement deurdruk. As dit bekragtig word, sal die ANC die wet inspan om die mandaat van 'n verkose plaaslike owerheid sterk aan bande te lê, veral waar die ANC nié regeer nie, en waar plaaslike owerhede heel tereg weier om ANC-beleid in te stel. Die Kabinet se goedkeuring van die wetsontwerp kom twee dae nadat ANC-woordvoerders uitdruklik ontken het dat só 'n wetsontwerp bestaan.

'n Meerderheid van twee derdes sal die ANC die mag gee om ander dreigemente uit te voer. Die ANC het reeds gedreig om eiendomsregte terug te trek, persvryheid te ondermyn en te sorg dat die howe bloot 'n uitbreiding van die ANC word - net soos grondwet-instellings soos die Openbare Beskermer en die Nasionale Vervolgingsgesag reeds deur kaderontplooiing uitbreidings van die ANC geword het.

Landswyd is die DA die enigste party wat 'n mens kan vertrou om te sorg dat Zuma se kliek sy mag nie misbruik om die Grondwet te wysig nie. Ons ding egter nie net nasionaal in hierdie verkiesing mee nie. Ons neem ook in al nege provinsies deel. Daar is 'n uitstekende kans dat ons die Wes-Kaap sal verower, en daar is ook 'n moontlikheid dat ons in een of twee ander provinsies koalisieregerings sal kan skep.

Ons moet op provinsiale vlak die mag in hande kry, want dan sal ons kan bewys watter verskil ons alternatiewe visie, beginsels en beleid in die praktyk vir almal maak, net soos ons dit bewys het waar ons op die vlak van plaaslike regering gewen het. Dit is die doeltreffendste rol wat ons kan speel, nie net waar ons aan die stuur staan nie, maar vir die hele land, terwyl ons die proses van nasionale politieke herrangskikking deurvoer.

As ons in die Wes-Kaap wen, sal ons byvoorbeeld kan bewys wat samewerkende regering tussen plaaslike owerhede en 'n provinsie kan bereik. Albei regeringsfere is op talle manier nóú verweef, en ons kan uitsonderlike resultate bereik as ons almal dieselfde kant toe beur, in plaas van in teenoorgestelde rigtings.

As ons op provinsiale vlak die mag in hande kry, beteken dit ook ons kan die volgende stap op die pad van ons politieke reis neem. Dié reis het in 2006 begin toe die DA in die Stad Kaapstad en ander plaaslike owerhede in die Wes-Kaap aan bewind gekom het. Ons reis sal ná 22 April voortduur, want dan gaan ons vir die plaaslike verkiesings van 2011 voorberei. In dié verkiesings gaan ons stede en dorpe orals in Suid-Afrika verower. As die laaste been van dié reis sal ons in 2014 die kern van die nasionale regering uitmaak.

Ons kan sonder jou stem op Woensdag dié reis nie voortsit nie. Ons sal nie die nodige verbande kan lê om ons eindbestemming te bereik nie. En as die ANC 'n meerderheid van twee derdes kry, sal hy elke moontlike struikelblok in ons pad plaas om ons te ontspoor.

Die belangrikste verkiesing in Zimbabwe was nie verlede jaar, toe die MDC meer stemme as Mugabe se Zanu-PF gekry het nie, al is die verkiesing blatante bekook. Dit was in 2000, toe die MDC net-net met 1% van die stemme teen Zanu-PF verloor het. As elke enkele MDC-ondersteuner in daardie verkiesing gaan stem het, sou Zimbabwe se rampspoedige agteruitgang miskien nie gebeur het nie. Zimbabwe sou vandag bes moontlik die welvarende nasie van weleer gewees het, in plaas van die mislukte staat van die hede.

Dit is die verskil wat jou stem kan maak. Dit is die verskil tussen sukses en mislukking. Dié verkiesing gaan 'n keerpunt in Suid-Afrika se geskiedenis wees. Dit is trouens die belangrikste verkiesing ná 1994, want ons keuse gaan bepaal of die land 'n suksesvolle demokrasie word (en dit is verloklik binne ons bereik), of die afwaartse spiraal na 'n mislukte staat gaan voortsit.

In 'n demokrasie kry die kiesers die regering wat hulle verdien. Suid-Afrika se toekoms lê komende Woensdag in die hande van elke individuele kieser. Een stem kan 'n oorwinning beteken, of 'n nederlaag. Tien jaar van nou af gaan dit vir almal klinkklaar wees dat dit in dié verkiesing reg was om vir die DA te stem. Maar dan gaan dit te laat wees. Doen dit dus nóú.

Why You Should Vote DA

From SA Today 17 April 2009

Go out and vote on Wednesday 22 April!

Every single registered voter who supports the DA must go out and vote in the election on Wednesday. Your vote is critical: it could be the vote that tips the scales. The mathematics are simple: the more DA voters turn out relative to ANC voters, the better our chances are of stopping Jacob Zuma from getting the two-thirds majority he needs to change the Constitution.

Voter turnout makes a huge difference to the election result in our proportional representation electoral system. One political analyst uses the analogy of a birthday party to explain the impact of turnout. On your birthday, you buy a cake and have a party for ten people. If everyone comes, each gets one tenth of the cake. If only five attend, each gets one fifth of the cake. This means that each of the five friends who come to the party gets a slice of cake double the size of what they would have got, because the other five stayed away. In the same way, all voters who vote in an election make up the 100% representational tally which is then divided up proportionately among parties. If DA voters stay away in higher numbers than ANC supporters, the effect is to increase the proportional power of the ANC vote. And vice-versa.

In previous elections, differential turn-out has benefited the ANC. This means that more ANC voters than opposition voters turned out to vote. And that proportionately boosted their tally.

Turnout will be decisive on Wednesday. Our own internal research shows that if every DA supporter goes to vote, and if more DA voters turn out relative to ANC voters, we will keep the ANC below a two-thirds majority nationally and we could even drive the ANC below 60%. In provinces like Gauteng and the Northern Cape, where the ANC's grip on power is weakest, if every DA voter turns out, we could win enough votes to be able to form coalition governments. In the Western Cape, if every DA voter turns out, we could win the province outright.

The ANC is power-hungry. It wants even more than a two-thirds majority. On Wednesday, in one of his stock fascist tirades, the imbecilic President of the ANC Youth League, Julius Malema, told students at the University of Cape Town to return the ANC to power with "a three-thirds majority". He was merely parroting ANC Secretary-General, Gwede Mantashe, who earlier in the election campaign said, "We don't want a two-thirds majority; we want a three-thirds majority in any province including the Western Cape". Malema believes Zuma is "unstoppable". He referred to him as a "biological tsunami". That is untrue. If every DA supporter goes to the polls on 22 April, we can prevent the "biological tsunami" from wreaking devastation on South Africa.

Make no mistake: if the ANC gets a two-thirds majority with Zuma as President, the consequences will be serious. Mr Zuma has no understanding of constitutionalism, which is the bedrock of our democracy. He has often said that the ANC is more important than the Constitution, that opposition parties have no automatic right to exist, and that the powers of the Constitutional Court should be reviewed because judges are "not God". Zuma represents the kind of leaders that take governments down the path of cronyism, corruption and criminalisation, towards the failed state. The evidence is already there.

So far, the ruling clique in the ANC has disbanded the Scorpions; fired the former National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP), Vusi Pikoli; engineered the premature release from prison of Zuma's benefactor, Schabir Shaik; and pressured the acting NDPP, Mokotedi Mpshe, to drop the charges against Zuma. All these steps were taken to shield Zuma and his cronies.

This makes it clear that Zuma will stop at nothing to undermine the Constitution and the rule of law to enrich himself and his cabal, and protect them from prosecution.

Yesterday, the Cabinet announced that it had approved the draft Constitution 17th Amendment Bill, which empowers national government to usurp powers from local government. The Bill will now go to Parliament, and if the ANC gets a two-thirds majority on 22 April, it will force the Bill through Parliament.
If it is enacted, the law will be used by the ANC to severely limit the mandate of an elected local government, especially where the ANC does not govern and where local authorities legitimately refuse to implement ANC policies. The Cabinet approval of the Bill came two days after ANC spokespersons categorically denied the existence of such a Bill.

A two-thirds majority will give the ANC the power to act on other threats.
The ANC has already threatened to revoke property rights, undermine press freedom and make the courts an extension of the ANC - just as constitutional institutions such as the Public Protector and the National Prosecuting Authority have been turned into extensions of the ANC through cadre deployment.

Nationally, the DA is the only party that can be trusted to stop Zuma's clique from abusing its power to change the Constitution. But we are not only contesting this election nationally. We are contesting it in all nine provinces, too. There is an excellent chance that we will win the Western Cape, and also a possibility that we may be able to form coalition governments in one or two other provinces.

We must win power at provincial level, because this will enable us to demonstrate the difference that our alternative vision, principles and policies make in practice, for everyone -just as we have demonstrated where we have won at local government level. This is the most effective role we can play, not only where we govern, but for our country as a whole, as we undertake the process of national political realignment.

Winning power in the Western Cape, for example, will allow us to show what co-operative governance between local authorities and a province can achieve. Both spheres are closely inter-linked in many ways and we can attain exceptional outcomes if we all pull together, rather than in opposite directions.

Winning power provincially also means that we can take the next step in our political journey. That journey started in 2006 when the DA won the City of Cape Town and other local authorities in the Western Cape. Our journey will continue after 22 April, as we prepare to contest the 2011 local government elections, in which we will win cities and towns across South Africa. At the end of the final leg of our journey, we will form the core of national government in 2014.

Without your vote on Wednesday, we cannot continue this journey. We will not make the connection we need to reach our final destination. And if the ANC gets a two-thirds majority, it will throw every obstacle it can onto the track to derail us.

The most important election in Zimbabwe was not last year when the MDC won more votes than Mugabe's Zanu-PF, despite the election being blatantly rigged. It was in 2000, when the MDC narrowly lost to Zanu-PF by 1% of the vote. If every MDC supporter had gone out to vote in that election, Zimbabwe's catastrophic slide may have been halted. Today Zimbabwe might have been the prosperous nation it once was, instead of the failed state it has become.

That is the difference your vote makes. It is the difference between success and failure. This election will be a defining moment in South Africa's history. In fact, it is the most important election since 1994, because the choice we make will determine whether our country becomes a successful democracy, which is tantalisingly within our reach, or continues the downward spiral towards a failed state.

In a democracy, voters get the government they deserve. The future of South Africa lies in the hands of every individual voter this Wednesday. One vote can win it - or lose it. In ten years time it will be obvious to everyone that voting for the DA in this election was the right thing to do. By then it will be too late. So do it now.